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31.
Tang JS Wong HY Syn CK Tan-Siew WF Chow ST Budowle B 《Forensic science international》2006,158(1):65-71
In this study of 212 unrelated Singapore Chinese males, allelic frequencies and gene diversities of 11 Y-chromosome specific STR loci (DYS19, DYS389I, DYS389II, DYS390, DYS391, DYS392, DYS393, DYS385a/b, DYS438 and DYS439) were established. A total of 184 haplotypes were observed in the 212 individuals studied, of which 165 (89.67%) were unique. The most common haplotype was observed in five (2.35%) individuals. The overall haplotype diversity for the 11 Y-STR loci was 99.81%, and the discrimination capacity was 86.79%. 相似文献
32.
Glenn R. Fong 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1986,5(2):264-291
A Pentagon program to advance semiconductor technology offers some important empirical evidence for the national debate over industrial policy. While not an explicit attempt at promoting international competitiveness, the Very High Speed Integrated Circuit (VHSIC) program does contain a whole series of industrial policy-like features, including joint government-industry planning, widespread industry participation, and multifirm collaboration. These striking features cannot be attributed solely to VHSIC's affiliation with the military. Instead, the sources of the program's industrial policy characteristics are to be found in the nature of the technologies selected for development, the incorporation of private sector advice, the mitigation of threats to proprietary interests, avoidance of redistributional issues, and the utilization of industry competition and networks of communication-all factors directly relevant to industrial policymaking generally. 相似文献
33.
In Hong Kong, ecstasy tablets are more commonly known as "Fing Tau Yuen", literally meaning "Shake Head Pills". The tablets contain mainly amphetamine-type stimulants (ATS) including 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA), 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), methamphetamine (MA) and/or ketamine. Adulterant such as caffeine was also detected in the tablets. This paper reports a study on the impurity profiles of ecstasy tablets from 89 seizures in Hong Kong from 2002 to early 2004. Tablet samples were extracted by diethyl ether under alkaline condition and then analyzed by gas GC-MS. The chromatograms obtained were compared. A total of 19 identified impurities were selected as markers for impurity profiling. They are different precursors, intermediates and by-products. The data matrices were examined by hierarchical cluster analysis (HCA), and then the ecstasy tablets were classified into different groups. Cluster analysis of ecstasy tablets is shown to be capable of providing intelligence on clandestine laboratory networks. 相似文献
34.
Henry Wai‐Chung Yeung 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):297-317
ABSTRACT In this work we test the hypothesis that Israel has a strategic dependency on territorial labour. We also look at the situation of dependency on this commuting labour in both the occupied territories and Israel and, subsequently, examine the strategic impact of the growth in Israeli capital on the future of this labour market. 相似文献
35.
Wai Leung Lai 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(3):373-394
Central to the regulation theory of social policy is the argument that the welfare state has played a key role in the maintenance of the proper working of capitalism. Starting from the core argument of the theory, this article attempts to demonstrate that the Social Security Fund, a cornerstone of Macao's social security system, achieved three major regulatory functions in relation to the perpetuation of capitalism from the establishment of the fund in 1990 to 2005: legitimisation, reproduction and disciplinisation. There was a watershed year in 2002 in which the predominant regulatory forms displayed a qualitative shift from legitimisation to reproduction and disciplinisation. The shift is explained in terms of different interplays of the political and economic forces within the basic structural constraint of the capitalist social system. 相似文献
36.
Vanessa L. Fong 《亚洲研究》2013,45(2):255-258
The experience of international migration is generally found to turn migrants into culturally hybrid communities. Yet, migrant communities often hold on to their religious moorings even as they relocate. From the 1970s onwards, the emerging leadership of Hindu settlers in Denmark consciously tried to transfer with them what they saw to be key aspects of Hinduism as they migrated to Denmark. In 1985, Hindus organized a major conference to position the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) as the umbrella organization for Hinduism in Denmark. Later on they established a Temple of Indians called Bharatiya Mandir to provide a place of worship for local Hindus. The philosophy behind the temple conformed to the nondenominational Hindu nationalist vision of Hindus as a unified community. This article, which contrasts the aim of Hindu nationalism with the on-the-ground realities of Hindu mobilization in Denmark, reveals that two major factions spearheaded Hindu nationalist endeavors in Denmark from the 1980s until 2006. The two factions successfully launched several projects, and even collaborated in their execution, but the initiatives were beset with rivalries that hampered the communal unity they had set out to achieve. The authors analyze this factional rivalry as an expression of Indian political culture, arguing that tensions among Hindu activists in Denmark is an instance of the political factionalism prevalent in the Indian subcontinent. The unintended emergence of such factionalism represents the successful transfer of a core element of Indian political culture to a new locale through Hindu nationalist politics. The authors base their argument on field observations since the 1980s, recent interviews with key religious players, and more than two hundred pages of written materials that offer a rare entry point to the study of Hindu nationalism ex situ. 相似文献
37.
Henry Wai‐chung Yeung 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(4):505-529
Policymakers in many developing Asian countries have commonly relied on investment incentives as a major policy instrument to attract foreign investment. Using comparative case studies of Asian transnational corporations (TNCs) in Southeast Asia, this paper argues that investment incentives per se are ineffective in attracting foreign investment. The paper first examines the role of government incentives in the inflow of foreign investment, with particular reference to the Southeast Asian region. It then provides a comparative study of Hong Kong and Taiwanese investments. Hong Kong TNCs are shown to have invested in Southeast Asia because of market or market‐related reasons, not investment incentives per se. To these firms from Hong Kong, investment incentives are more a kind of post hoc rationalization of their decision making. For the Taiwanese investors in Malaysia, government incentives are less important than the existence of market access and the friendly host country environment. The paper also suggests some implications and specific policy recommendations for policymakers in host country governments. Instead of over‐reliance on investment incentives, host country governments should be more concerned with: 1) a commitment to internationalization through the promotion and marketing of international images; 2) the upgrading of domestic resources through continuous training and development; 3) a more efficient allocation of resources; 4) supra‐national coordination and promotion. 相似文献
38.
Asian Journal of Criminology - 相似文献
39.
Wai Kit Choi 《New Political Science》2018,40(2):285-308
The global value chain (GVC) perspective assumes that business firms’ occupation of high value-added nodes in the global production network can promote their countries’ socio-economic development. However, I argue that society-wide benefits that may follow from firms’ profit-maximizing activities are often ephemeral. Over time the middle class can shrink, and economic inequality can increase even when firms continue to move up to higher value-added niches and garner huge profit. I illustrate this disjunction between business activities and societal development with Apple’s strategies of tax avoidance and reduction from the Obama to the Trump administration. I then draw on the theoretical framework that Giovanni Arrighi sets out in The Long Twentieth Century and ideas from The Myth of Sisyphus by Albert Camus to analyze the Apple case. As my analysis makes clear, the flawed assumption of the GVC perspective reveals its practitioners’ failure to recognize that within global capitalism, permanent and sustained societal affluence is unlikely, and what exists instead is a constant alternation between prosperity and disparity. 相似文献
40.
Bruce E. Moon Jennifer Harvey Birdsall Sylvia Ciesluk Lauren M. Garlett Joshua J. Hermias Elizabeth Mendenhall Patrick D. Schmid Wai Hong Wong 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2006,41(2):3-32
The measures of democracy commonly used in empirical research suffer notable limitations, primarily the exclusion of participation.
As a result, quantitative studies may undervalue the effect of democracy on important social outcomes or misinterpret the
aspect of democracy responsible for that effect. We respond by introducing and validating two variants of a new indicator,
the Participation Enhanced Polity Score (PEPS), which augments institutional factors with the breadth of citizen participation.
We demonstrate, using statistical evidence on democratic persistence, basic needs fulfillment, and gender equality, that no
measure of democracy can be considered an accurate representation of its basic character without directly including participation
as a core component.
Bruce E. Moon is professor of international relations at Lehigh University in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. He is the author ofThe Political Economy of Basic Human Needs (Cornell University Press. 1991) and two editions ofThe Dilemmas of International Trade (Westview Press, 1996, 2000).
Jennifer Harvey Birdsall is a researcher for a NGO in Geneva, Switzerland. She received her B.A. in international relations
and economics from Lehigh University and her M.S. in global affairs from Rutgers University-Newark.
Sylvia Ciesluk is pursuing an M.A. at the Fletcher School at Tufts University. She received her B.S. in economics from Lehigh
University.
Lauren M. Garlett is a geography teacher at Bellamy Middle School in Chicopee, Massachusetts. She received both her B.A in
international relations and her M.Ed. in secondary education from Lehigh University.
Joshua J. Hermias is associate director of the Global Young Leaders Conference in Washington, D.C. He received his B.A. in
economics from Lehigh University and his M.A. in international development from the University of East Anglia, Norwich, England.
Elizabeth Mendenhall is pursuing a Masters in International Affairs (MIA) in economic and political development at Columbia
University. She received a B.A. in international relations at Lehigh University.
Patrick D. Schmid is a Ph.D. candidate in computer science at Lehigh University. He received both his B.S. and M.S. in computer
science from Lehigh University.
Wai Hong Wong is a research associate at FactSet Research Systems. He received his B.A. in international relations and economics
at Lehigh University.
We are grateful for the helpful suggestions of Frank Davis, Bill Dixon, Chaim Kaufmann, Rajan Menon, Pamela Paxton, Larry
Taylor, and the anonymous reviewers. 相似文献