Detection of sequence variation in the HVII region of the human mitochondrial genome in 689 individuals using immobilized sequence-specific oligonucleotide probes

We have developed a rapid, immobilized probe-based assay for the detection of sequence variation in the hypervariable segment II (HVII) of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) control region. Using a panel of 17 sequence-specific oligonucleotide (SSO) probes immobilized on nylon membrane strips, we typed 689 individuals from four population groups. The genetic diversity value for each population was calculated from the frequency data, and the frequencies of distinct "mitotypes" in each group were determined. We performed DNA sequence analysis of 129 samples to characterize the sequences associated with "blanks" (absence of probe signals) and weak probe signals. Out of 689 samples, we observed five heteroplasmic samples (excluding the variable C-stretch beginning at position 303) using the immobilized SSO probe panel. The SSO probe strips were used for the analysis of shed hairs and bloodstains from several criminal cases in Sweden, one of which is described here. We conclude that this mtDNA typing system is useful for human identification and significantly decreases casework turnaround time.     

Reagents for the chemical development of latent fingerprints: scope and limitations of benzo[f]ninhydrin in comparison to ninhydrin

Benzo[f]ninhydrin was compared to ninhydrin for fingerprint development on paper. Overall, the performance of ninhydrin on exhibits was slightly better than that of benzo[f]ninhydrin. The significant advantages of the benzo[f]ninhydrin over ninhydrin were the much stronger fluorescence it gave after treatment with zinc salts and a slightly quicker reaction under ambient conditions. This fluorescence is, however, similar to that obtained with other reagents, such as DFO or ninhydrin analogs. These advantages apparently are not sufficient to justify regular usage of benzo[f]ninhydrin, especially when one considers its low solubility and high cost.     

The court for sexual offences: perceptions of the perpetrators of sexual offences

This article explores the largely hereunto-ignored perceptions of the offenders within the specialist sex-courts in Bloemfontein, Free State, South Africa. Various factors potentially affecting such perceptions within this group of individuals are identified by way of theoretical orientation. Respondents were inclined to view the Court for Sexual Offences as biased in process and excessively punitive with regard to sentencing. The specialist sex-court was also perceived to be inefficient and slow. Female prosecutors were judged to be overly involved in cases to the extent that their objectivity was impaired. The need for additional research in various related areas is also explored.     

Public management reform and organizational performance: An empirical assessment of the U.K. Labour government's public service improvement strategy

We present the first empirical assessment of the U.K. Labour government's program of public management reform. This reform program is based on rational planning, devolution and delegation, flexibility and incentives, and enhanced choice. Measures of these variables are tested against external and internal indicators of organizational performance. The setting for the study is upper tier English local governments, and data are drawn from a multiple informant survey of 117 authorities. The statistical results indicate that planning, organizational flexibility, and user choice are associated with higher performance. Conclusions are drawn for the theory and practice of public management reform. © 2006 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management     

American Federalism: From Johnson to Bush

Intergovernmental developments for more than twenty-five yearshave produced a nation-centered federalism—strongly sofrom 1964 to 1978, somewhat less so from 1969–1988, anda little more so during the past two years. The reasons forthis fundamental systemic transformation include: (1) the demiseof the earlier, 150-year old, confederative party system andthe rise of a new political system with weak federative parties,but other more powerful political actors; (2) an operationaland local representational renaissance of the states, but alsoa concomitant decline of state and local political influencein Washington; (3) a steadily centralizing Supreme Court, withonly a few pro-state decisions until 1989; and (4) a rapid risein national preemptions and of a "new social regulation" thatwas aimed at state and local governments as much as at the privatesector, even as the states were used to implement them. Theonly real constraint on national activism since 1982 has beenbudget-driven federalism, not planned reform efforts. The currentsystem then requires political, representational, judicial,and constitutional reforms if the centralizing, cooptive, andpermissive features of contemporary federalism are to be corrected.     

Determinants of the probability and timing of commercial casino legalization in the United States

The adoption of lotteries by state governments has received significant attention in the economics literature, but the issue of casino adoption has been neglected by researchers. Casino gambling is a relatively new industry in the United States, outside Nevada and New Jersey. As of 2007, 11 states had established commercial casinos; several more states are considering legalization. We analyze the factors that determine a state’s decision to legalize commercial casinos, using data from 1985 to 2000, a period which covers the majority of states that have adopted commercial casinos. We use a tobit model to examine states’ fiscal conditions, political alignments, intrastate and interstate competitive environments, and demographic characteristics, which yields information on the probability and timing of adoptions. The results suggest a public choice explanation that casino legalization is due to state fiscal stress, to efforts to keep gambling revenues (and the concomitant gambling taxes) within the state, and to attract tourism or “export taxes.”