Thinking about politics

There are distinctive modes of thinking about politics, three of which are discussed here. A mode consists of a characteristic domain of relevance, filing system, and grammar of beliefs. A person relying on Mode A treats politics as an extension of interpersonal experience. A person relying on Mode B organizes political thinking around a set of salient group identifications. A person relying on Mode C views public objects in terms of their consequences for collective goods. The three modes are illustrated by applying them to concrete issues in a hypothetical manner: Vietnam, bussing, and attitudes toward presidential candidates. The concept of surrogate attitudes is developed and various implications of the theoretical argument are discussed.     

Decision-Making Involvement and Socioeconomic Resources in Norway: A Normative-Empirical Analysis*

The relationship between socioeconomic resources and political participation has been the subject of considerable normative-empirical debate. The present article addresses the problem on the basis of Norwegian survey data (N = 1,170) with the intent of testing both the resource-involvement relationship and the possible consequences of value over-representation among the most active citizens. The analysis of resource-involvement dependency in relation to Robert Dahl's norm-set for ‘non-cumulative resource distributions' shows only two resources to be of potential difficulty for pluralist expectations: education and gender. Other expectations as to resource-involvement inequality prove to be nonfounded for Norway. A further test of the consequences of pedagarchal and patriarchal over-representation shows the former to imply a general ‘progressive’ bias in political values, while the latter has no clear-cut ideological implications.     

Assessing the effects of LEAA demise on criminal justice higher education

The historical growth of criminal justice education programs can be directly related to the creation of LEAA and the education incentive program, LEEP. With the demise of LEAA and federal funding, there is the natural question of what effect, if any, this lack of financial support might have on criminal justice education programs. A stratified sample of 125 colleges and universities having such programs was surveyed to determine possible effects in student enrollments, characteristics, research funding, and other perceived changes. The data illustrate that changes in student characteristics appeared to be more significant in relation to enrollment changes than did LEAA/LEEP withdrawal. Program increases have been generally related to increases in full-time, preservice students and larger numbers of minorities and females. Programs which relied heavily on part-time, in-service students declined the most in enrollments. Colleges and universities with growing graduate programs experienced growth in bachelor and associate degrees as well. The demise of LEAA funding appears to have negatively affected most dramatically technical type programs which attracted large numbers of in-service, male, part-time students. Those which broadened their student characteristics appear to have been less affected.     

Linking Lasswell’s political psychology and the policy sciences

Contrary to apparent differences in timing and style between Harold D. Lasswells political psychology and the policy sciences approach that he pioneered, the continuity and compatibility between the two are very high. The appropriateness of Lasswells political psychology framework for addressing the intellectual tasks of the policy sciences is demonstrated by linking the insights of his political psychology to the policy sciences framework, and reviewing the common pragmatist philosophy underlying both his political psychology and the policy sciences.