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William E. Forbath 《Law & social inquiry》1991,16(1):1-34
For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations'forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms. 相似文献
233.
Longmore Monica A. Sevareid Eric E. Manning Wendy D. Giordano Peggy C. Clemens William Taylor Heather 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2022,51(2):320-334
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Despite the centrality of dating relationships for teens, it is unclear whether the influence of romantic partners’ alcohol use on adolescents’... 相似文献
234.
Journal of Quantitative Criminology - Identify the effect of differences in criminal activity among birth cohorts on crime rates over time. Determine the extent to which cohort effects are... 相似文献
235.
Recent work has applied the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to examine narrative strategies in policy debates on social media platforms. We contribute to the literature by applying the NPF to fracking policy debates in New York using well-established Natural Language Processing tools, including sentiment analysis. We combine this computational approach with a qualitative hand-coding of pro- and antifracking Twitter influentials. This approach allows us to consider a much larger corpus of tweets over a much longer time frame than has been done thus far. We adapt and test NPF propositions related to the use of the devil/angel shift strategies before and after a major state-wide policy change, that is, a state-wide moratorium on high volume hydraulic fracturing or fracking. Overall, we find evidence for the use of the devil shift narrative strategy by the pro-fracking coalition aimed at the Governor prior to the moratorium. After the moratorium, the relative percentage of Tweets containing devil shift sentiments decreases as the pro-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of angel shift language without a corresponding increase in devil shift language, whereas, conversely, the anti-fracking coalition generally downshifts in its use of devil shift language without a general increase in angel shift language. When we shifted our analysis to Tweets containing fracking and the Governor, we found a similar postban decrease in devil shift language among anti-fracking users. Our findings offer lessons for using computational tools in the NPF as an approach to expand analytic ability and for the operationalization of concepts such as narrative strategies and policy entrepreneurs. 相似文献
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William Langen 《Law and human behavior》1978,2(3):267-282
Conclusion Public guardianship provides a useful means of providing care for a very vulnerable group of people—the incapacitated. This vulnerability requires that special care be taken to assure that the guardian does not subordinate the ward's interests to any other considerations. Such subordination of the ward's interests may be inadvertent or well intentioned. It may even, on occasion, be consistent with broader social or governmental policies. Nevertheless, it is a violation of the guardian's duty of loyalty.This article has discussed several methods for reducing the likelihood that the ward's rights will be infringed. Ultimately, however, the avoidance of improprieties and the maintenance of incapacitated persons in dignity depends not on procedural or managerial devices, but on the loyalty of the guardian to the interests of his or her ward. 相似文献
238.
Although feature films may overpraise lawyers and civil courts as means of securing justice, they caricature lawyers and litigation. Analysis of Erin Brockovich (directed by Steven Soderbergh and produced by Danny DeVito, et al., 2000) reveals four motifs—two favorable and two unfavorable to public‐interest litigants and litigation—that characterize similar films in the last decades: Class Action (1991), The Rainmaker (1997), The Sweet Hereafter (1997), A Civil Action (1998), The Insider (1999), Runaway Jury (2003), and North Country (2005). These filmic populist romances promote ordinary heroines (mostly) who redeem a problematic system through common sense and everyday virtue rather than through laws, lawyers, and litigation. 相似文献
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