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William E. Scheuerman 《New Political Science》2016,38(3):299-314
Digital disobedience can be defined as politically motivated online lawbreaking. It includes Distributed Denial of Service actions, hacktivism, digitally based leaking (for example, Anonymous, Wikileaks), and whistleblowing (along the lines pursued by Chelsea Manning and Edward Snowden). Given its growing political importance, the phenomenon requires careful theoretical attention. Against the widespread tendency to criminalize digital disobedience by appealing to conventional notions of the ‘rule of law’, this article argues that some of its proponents are in fact engaging in digital lawbreaking as expressions of their fundamental respect for the rule of law. Although this diagnosis highlights the partial overlap with conventional models of civil disobedience (which oftentimes similarly conceive of politically motivated lawbreaking as necessarily resting on a more fundamental respect for the law), we should hesitate before viewing digital disobedience simply as modernized or digitalized civil disobedience. Digital disobedience includes some political novelties, and traditional views of civil disobedience only get us so far in making sense of those novelties. 相似文献
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Trust is important to the institutions that make societies successful. Globally, Indigenous peoples are actively building institutions for self‐governance, but there remains little empirical work on trust in this context. To address this gap, we use a mixed methods approach to explore three levels of trust among individual members from three related, but politically distinct First Nations (Indigenous peoples) in British Columbia, Canada. British Columbia offers a unique and dynamic context to explore trust and its relationship with the diverse institutional choices among First Nations. Survey results show that trust is low among respondents and individual variables predictive of trust in mainstream contexts, like education and employment, are not determinative. However, interpersonal trust and political trust were highest in the First Nation most active in institution building, and who linked this with a cultural revitalization narrative. Interviews suggested a bidirectional relationship between individual and collective drivers of trust in this context. 相似文献
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