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排序方式: 共有155条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
101.
Zachary Spicer 《Local Government Studies》2017,43(3):388-407
Municipal governments are increasingly showing interest in inter-municipal cooperation. Often overlooked in the discussion of such collaborative relationships are concerns related to accountability and transparency. In this article, we introduce a framework to measure accountability and transparency in inter-local relationships and test it with a brief case study of inter-municipal cooperative agreements collected from the Greater Toronto Area. Overall, the agreements collected score very low on our accountability scale, mainly because of low levels of public access and poor internal accountability. We conclude the study by examining the challenges of having multiple lines of accountability in local service collaboration. 相似文献
102.
Nicole Goodman Zachary Spicer 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2019,62(3):369-392
To date, online voting studies have focused on impacts on political behaviour and voting security. Analyses of impacts on administrators and electoral governance remain sparse internationally and are relegated to overviews in technical reports in Canada (Pammett and Goodman 2013; Goodman and Pyman 2016). Drawing on an original survey of local administrators in Ontario following the 2014 municipal elections, this article explores how online voting impacts election administration. Findings suggest strong satisfaction with online voting, citizen‐centered rationales for adoption, and key differences in challenges and cost based on municipal size. We conclude with implications for the local governance of elections as technology plays a greater role in voting processes. 相似文献
103.
When explaining regulatory policymaking and the behavior of regulated business firms, scholars have supplemented economic models by emphasizing the role of public‐regarding entrepreneurial politics and of normative pressures on firms. This article explores the limits of such entrepreneurial politics and “social license” pressures by examining regulation of emissions from diesel powered trucks in the US. We find that the economic cost of obtaining the best available control technology – new model lower emissions engines – has: (i) limited the stringency and coerciveness of direct regulation of vehicle owners and operators; (ii) dwarfed the reach and effectiveness of the governmental programs that subsidize the purchase of new less polluting vehicles; and (iii) elevated the importance of each company’s “economic license”– as opposed to its “social license”– in shaping its environmental performance. The prominence of this “regulatory compliance cost” variable in shaping both regulation and firm behavior, we conclude, is likely to recur in highly competitive markets, like trucking, that include many small firms that cannot readily either afford or pass on the cost of best available compliance technologies. 相似文献
104.
Zachary Spicer 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2015,58(4):549-573
Economic development is a policy area typically seen by municipalities as competitive in nature. Cooperation with neighbouring municipalities is rare, as the benefits are often selective. This paper examines the formation and governance of economic development alliances in Canada, specifically exploring the motivations of municipalities entering into these cooperative relationships. Four main factors influenced a municipality's decision to cooperate on economic development: reducing duplication, increasing international visibility, filling service gaps, and allowing for greater access to federal and provincial grants. Economic conditions dictated the course of partnership. Dividing mutual gains is the major challenge to overcome in order to keep economic development alliances together. 相似文献
105.
Guthrie R 《Journal of law and medicine》2007,14(4):528-550
Work-related stress claims in all Australian jurisdictions are the most expensive form of workers compensation claim. This is due to the lengthy period of absence from work which is a feature of stress-related claims. In Australia, in the last decade, attempts have been made to reduce the costs of stress-related claims by imposing special legislative thresholds on such claims. This "back end" approach to cost reduction has resulted in an array of legislative formulae designed to reduce the number of stress claims. This article surveys the range of legislative approaches adopted in Australia to deal with the rise in stress claims. 相似文献
106.
107.
We investigate whether the hiring relationships of candidates and political consulting firms better resembles the predictions of the “adversarial” or “allied” models of consultant‐party interaction. We find that the highest‐quality consultants are not allocated to the most competitive races, consultant‐candidate relationships persist even as candidates' electoral prospects change, and firms who work for challengers face a higher risk of market exit than firms working for incumbents. The market focuses entirely on win‐loss records and ignores the information on consultant performance available in candidates' vote shares. These findings depict a market driven by individual candidate, rather than aggregate party, goals. 相似文献
108.
Zachary Abuza 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(6):453-479
The Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) has waged a secessionist campaign in the Southern Philippines since 1978, when they broke away from the secular Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF). Their avowed goal is to establish an independent Islamic state. Though initially armed and supported by the Libyan and Malaysian governments, by the early 1990s, the MILF had lost much of its state support and forged a tentative relationship with Al Qaeda, receiving money through Saudi charities, as well as limited military training. In exchange, they had to give some assistance to groups, such as Al Qaeda's regional affiliate, Jemaah Islamiyah (JI) and Abu Sayyaf group (ASG); ties that they continue to maintain. Thus the ongoing peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and the MILF have regional security operations. 相似文献
109.
The number of individual RSD applications received by UNHCRoffices worldwide nearly doubled from 1997 to 2001, while UNHCR'sRSD operations have been criticized for failing to implementbasic standards of procedural fairness. Yet, although thereis some literature critiquing how UNHCR determines refugee status,there is little literature examining whether UNHCR should doso, and if it should, when, where, and under what conditions. UNHCR performance of RSD poses protection challenges becauseit is founded on a basic contradiction. On the one hand, governmentaction is essential for effective refugee protection. On theother hand, UNHCR RSD is premised on at least partial governmentfailure. Neither direct concern for protection from non-refoulement norstrict legal obligations completely explain UNHCR's currentRSD activities. UNHCR's RSD activities seem best explained bywhat Goodwin-Gill has called negative responsibility,and hence can represent a risky shift of responsibility fromgovernments to the UN. At the same time, in some circumstancesUNHCR RSD substantially advances refugee rights. In order to match its actual mandate and resources, UNHCR shouldperform RSD when it can enhance the protection provided to refugeesby governments, but the activity should be more limited andconditional than it is today. 相似文献
110.
Michah W. Rothbart Amy Ellen Schwartz Thad D. Calabrese Zachary Papper Todor Mijanovich Rachel Meltzer Diana Silver 《Public administration review》2019,79(5):651-665
Can governments use grades to induce businesses to improve their compliance with regulations? Does public disclosure of compliance with food safety regulations matter for restaurants? Ultimately, this depends on whether grades matter for the bottom line. Based on 28 months of data on more than 15,000 restaurants in New York City, this article explores the impact of public restaurant grades on economic activity and public resources using rigorous panel data methods, including fixed‐effects models with controls for underlying food safety compliance. Results show that A grades reduce the probability of restaurant closure and increase revenues while increasing sales taxes remitted and decreasing fines relative to B grades. Conversely, C grades increase the probability of restaurant closure and decrease revenues while decreasing sales taxes remitted relative to B grades. These findings suggest that policy makers can incorporate public information into regulations to more strongly incentivize compliance. 相似文献