MAGNA CARTA AND THE AMERICAN POLITICAL IMAGINATION: TWO INSTANCES OF HABEAS CORPUS VINDICATED

Magna Carta has long been understood as a source of inspiration for the U.S. Constitution, and especially its enshrinement of the writ of habeas corpus — the right of any prisoner to test his or her detention according to the law. In the “Suspension Clause” of the U.S. Constitution (Article I, Section 8), Congress is granted permission to suspend habeas corpus only “when in cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.” This article surveys two failed attempts by the U.S. government to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. The first (which was actually the very first such attempt) was in 1807 and followed revelations of the so-called Burr Conspiracy. The second (incidentally the most recent in American history) occurred during the War on Terror and culminated with the Supreme Court’s decision of Boumediene vs Bush in 2008. A close examination of these two historical episodes reveals just how different were the constitutional processes of the early republic and contemporary times. Additionally, comparing the uses of Magna Carta during the two episodes demonstrates marked changes in American political culture. Historical consciousness, vital to early Americans’ understanding of their political system, has shifted to an elite level. Likewise, the protection of fundamental liberties has migrated from the popular branch of government (Congress) to the elite one (the Supreme Court). This article considers the implication of this shift in both constitutional processes and historical consciousness.     

WHAT DOES ACCESS TO JUSTICE REQUIRE? — OVERCOMING BARRIERS TO INVOKE THE UNITED NATIONS CONVENTION ON THE RIGHTS OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES

Persons with disabilities have a right to effective access to justice under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (UNCRPD). This article provides insights on the parameters of that right, including a close examination of the history and text of Article 13, which directly addresses access to justice and other relevant UNCRPD provisions. In addition to the UNCRPD, this article discusses implementation guidance from the Committee on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities, including its guidelines for State Party reports and jurisprudence. The initial reports by eleven States Parties — Argentina, Azerbaijan, China, Costa Rica, Croatia, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Hungary, Mexico, Peru and Turkmenistan — are also considered. The Committee’s feedback regarding implementation of Article 13 by these eleven States parties is critiqued for being limited and inconsistent. This article then attempts to clarify what effective access to justice actually requires. It does so by focusing on the insights that can be drawn from implementation of Article 13 since the UNCRPD was adopted as well as implementation guidance from the Conference of States Parties, the International Disability Alliance, the World Network of Users and Survivors of Psychiatry and the National Center for Access to Justice. This article concludes with recommendations on how the Committee can improve its guidance on access to justice to help ensure that equal rights will not be illusory for persons with disabilities.     

聚力“互联网+” 打造武汉产业升级版

武汉市具备运用"互联网+"助推产业升级的有利条件,但目前仍存在的主要问题有三:信息基础建设不足、互联网品牌效应尚未显现、"互联网+"产业融合不够。故此,当前应着力做好以下几方面的工作,以充分释放"互联网+"对于助推武汉产业升级的巨大潜力:一是要打牢基础,完善互联网信息基础设施;二是要强化服务,加大互联网产业品牌引进和培育力度;三是要搭建平台,构建武汉产业互联互动体系。     

墨西哥政党制度与新联邦制

墨西哥曾是典型的一党主导型政党制度,革命制度党创造了连续执政70多年的奇迹。以2000年革命制度党丧失执政党地位为肇始,墨西哥步入新的政治转型期。对墨西哥政治转型的相关问题进行研究,总结历史经验教训,具有重要的理论与现实意义。本文重点关注了全国性政党内部的地区性矛盾冲突,探讨了正式机构和非正式机构在塑造联邦政治过程中的作用,从而较好地考察了墨西哥近期的政治转型问题。作者认为,在一党主导时期,政党内部是不存在地区分裂的;而伴随政党制度的转型,政党内     

仗法律之剑破"霸王条款""强制条款"

科学、民主、公正、平等,是人类社会文明和进步的必然要求,明乎此,有关"霸王条款"、"强制消费"之类的东西可以休矣,应当休矣! 所谓霸王条款、强制消费之所以能够长期存在于消费领域,原因有二:首先是生产者和经营者处于垄断地位,消费者别无选择;其次是信息不对称,消费者不知道自己可以选择什么.     

朝核问题与东北亚安全合作框架前景

朝核问题已呈现长期化趋势 ,为在建立东北亚安全合作新框架方面抢得先机 ,美、日、韩等国相应做出政策调整。美国加大了“谈”、“压”的力度 ,但尚未将朝鲜作为战略打击的主要对象。日本对朝政策向右摇摆 ,并寻求在建立东北亚多边安全框架方面发挥独自影响。韩国努力增加美韩联盟的平等色彩 ,谋求在解决朝核问题中发挥主导性作用。抓住朝核问题 ,推动建立东北亚“多极”主导多边安全合作机制 ,中国可以大有作为     

中国振兴东北战略与俄中合作

中国政府适时提出了振兴东北老工业基地战略决策 ,而俄罗斯在普京总统连任后 ,加大了对东部地区的开发力度 ,支持西伯利亚和远东地区发展与亚太的经贸关系 ,特别是对华合作。俄中两国应该抓住这个难得的历史机遇 ,充分利用这两个地区的地缘优势和经济上具有互补性的有利条件 ,大力推动地区的合作。虽然俄西伯利亚和远东地区在经济改革过程中已经与中国东北地区建立起了紧密的生产、经贸、科技和学术等联系 ,双方的合作已具备相当的基础 ,但仍然存在一些滞后领域。今后双方应该注重开拓高新技术合作方面的潜力。     

俄中石油天然气领域合作的几点思考

俄罗斯和中国分别为世界上最大的石油出口国和进口国之一 ,资源互补为双方能源合作提供了物质基础。但未来俄中两国在石油天然气领域的合作将在很大程度上取决于外部因素———世界能源市场的反常形势的影响。美国始终把控制能源放在国家利益的重要位置 ,在成功推倒萨达姆政权后 ,美国必将加强对中东的控制 ,从而控制世界能源的关键部分 ,获得未来世界石油市场中的主导权并主宰新世纪的石油价格。俄罗斯目前的主要战略问题是加强国家对油气田的控制 ,需要解决 3个根本任务 :1 在全球扩张的各种文明之间保持平稳 ;2 由国家控制自然资源的开采 ;3 国家加强对能源公司的控制。     

论当代地缘政治范畴

在20世纪与21世纪之交,人们对地缘政治的构想、认知和预测估计的兴趣明显增长。之所以如此,是由于许多因素,首先是全世界地缘政治进程的大大加快、新国家的产生、各国新的政治和经济联合组织的出现以及一体化进程和全球化趋势的增长。总之,20世纪在对国家间关系地缘政治领域、分析当代地区化和全球化进程以及民族主权化和一体化等方面有许多重要而有趣的认识。地缘政治学的大师们提出的构想得到了进一步发展。它们包括:关于“世界政治核心地带”的关键作用的学说(海·麦金德)、欧亚大陆学说(П.Н.萨维茨基、Н.С.特鲁别茨科和Г.В.韦尔纳…     

Shifting Gears

<正>Philippine President Ferdinand Romualdez Marcos Jr. visited China on January 3-5 with the aim of shifting ChinaPhilippines relations to a higher gear. While meeting with Marcos in Beijing, Chinese President Xi Jinping said China views the Philippines as a priority in its neighborhood diplomacy and approaches its relations with the Philippines from a strategic and overall perspective. He added that he is ready “to stay in regular strategic communication with President Marcos and make com...