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Valerie G. Starratt Aaron T. Goetz Todd K. Shackelford William F. McKibbin Steve Stewart-Williams 《Journal of family violence》2008,23(5):315-323
Women who have been sexually coerced by an intimate partner experience many negative health consequences. Recent research
has focused on predicting this sexual coercion. In two studies, we investigated the relationship between men’s use of partner-directed
insults and sexually coercive behaviors in the context of intimate relationships. Study 1 secured self-reports from 247 men
on the Partner-Directed Insults Scale and the Sexual Coercion in Intimate Relationships Scale. Study 2 obtained partner-reports
from 378 women on the same measures. Across both studies, results indicate that men’s use of sexually coercive behaviors can
be statistically predicted by the frequency and content of the insults that men direct at their intimate partner. Insults
derogating a partner’s value as a person and accusing a partner of sexual infidelity were most useful in predicting sexual
coercion. The discussion notes limitations of the current research and highlights directions for future research. 相似文献
196.
Aaron Gershonowitz 《环境索赔杂志》2015,27(4):336-347
This article discusses whether the claimant in a contribution action brought under section 113 of Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act needs to prove that the costs were incurred in a manner that was consistent with the National Contingency Plan (NCP). This article examines the recent case law as well as the Supreme Court decisions that address the relationship between sections 107 and 113 and concludes that although the recent case law suggests that NCP is a requirement, the Supreme Court's analysis of the relationship between sections 107 and 113 in United States v. Atlantic Research Corp. may undermine the basis for that conclusion. 相似文献
197.
Aaron Opoku Amankwaa 《Science & justice》2018,58(6):455-464
This review analysed public perspective studies on forensic DNA retention in the United Kingdom and around the world. The studies generally show strong public support for the long-term or indefinite retention of DNA from convicts and suspects. There is considerable support for the retention of DNA from all or some arrestees and potentially the entire population. This was predicated upon the belief that forensic DNA databases have crime-solving abilities, which the public rate highly. In the UK, it was found that the current Protection of Freedoms Act 2012 regime is broadly representative of the recommendations of the surveyed British public. Nevertheless, the studies highlighted a gap in forensic DNA education among the public, suggesting that public views may not be well informed. Overall, there was clear evidence of privacy concerns and the potential misuse of DNA records among the public, with a significant number opposing the retention of DNA from the innocent. It was found that most of the studies were qualitative or non-representative of the relevant population, limiting the generalisation of the results. There was also limited studies among a representative sample of primary stakeholders who are well-informed or directly exposed to the benefits, challenges and risks associated with DNA retention. A research into stakeholders rating of different forensic DNA retention regimes is therefore highly recommended. This is important because the studies suggest divergent views among criminal justice professionals and other members of the public, with the former expressing expansive views and the latter expressing restrictive views. The primary stakeholder's survey will help establish whether the relevant safeguards have been put in place to protect both public security and individual interests. 相似文献
198.
Aaron Rapport 《安全研究》2013,22(2):257-293
199.
The catalyst for undertaking the writing of this article was a 2004 conversation with retired police Major General Ari Kaributra, retired police Lieutenant General Vudhi Sucharitakul, and retired police Major General Uthai Asavavilai. All agreed that the story of how Thailand defeated its Communist insurgency should be told. What followed was a series of discussions and debriefings between 2004 and 2006. No official documents, Thai or U.S., were used in assembling the article. But the result reflects the recollections of General Ari, who was the architect of the strategy to defeat Communism in Thailand and two of his key subordinates who participated in executing the program. The discussions were in the Thai language, and I attempted to capture the nuance, as well as the facts in English. Any shortcomings in the article are my responsibility. I was assigned to the U.S. mission to Thailand during the period 1973–1979, and have remained in occasional contact with Ari, Vudhi, and Uthai since that time. 相似文献
200.
A. Aaron Weisburd 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(12):1066-1074
Homegrown Sunni extremists (jihadis) and Latin American street gang members (cholos) represent potential threats to national security. Both groups are known to inhabit the video- sharing website YouTube. Videos representative of each group were selected at random, and the visual motifs in the videos were categorized. Findings suggest similarities and differences between the two groups that may have significance for how practitioners address each threat, and for determining the likelihood that the two groups may begin to work in concert. The portraits that emerge of jihadis and cholos may assist in developing strategies to counter the violence perpetrated by each. 相似文献