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111.
Adam WarrenElizabeth Mavroudi 《Computer Law & Security Report》2011,27(3):245-249
The identity card for foreign nationals - now known as the Biometric Residence Permit (BRP) - was first introduced in November 2008. Following the May 2010 UK general election, the newly formed Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition government announced that the scheme would not be extended to UK citizens. To date, over 300,000 BRPs have been issued to UK foreign nationals - a group of non-EEA migrants that include international students, visiting scholars and entrepreneurs. In this paper, we draw on findings from interviews conducted with policymakers, advocacy groups, Higher Education administrators and foreign nationals - between March and December 2010 - to highlight some policy issues arising from the continued roll-out of the BRPs to this migrant group. We conclude by arguing that, although interviewees raised few objections to the BRPs in principle, cardholders were concerned about being unfairly ‘targeted’ for additional surveillance and remained unclear about the true purpose of the BRP. We identify a number of areas for further policy development. 相似文献
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The recent financial crisis has provoked a raft of contending claims as to whether the cause of the crisis is better attributed to market failure or political failure. Such claims are predicated on a presumption that markets and polities are meaningfully separate entities. To the contrary, we argue that contemporary arrangements create an entangled political economy that renders theorizing based on separation often misleading. Within this alternative framework of entangled political economy, we illuminate both the recent Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP) and the New Deal??s National Recovery Administration (NRA). 相似文献
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This article examines the politics, laws and policies related to regulating lead pollution from lead-acid battery related manufacturing facilities in China. Particularly, this paper examines how China's Ministry of Environmental Protection (MEP) was able to force the temporary closure of nearly 90 percent of lead-battery manufacturing facilities within a period of months in 2011, after years of enforcement failures. The authors analyze the extent to which the Government's response to address lead pollution was based on laws and policies that can be systematically and consistently deployed by MEP as needed, or whether such measures are reliant on political will from outside MEP. Additionally, the authors are concerned with the extent to which China 's governance response to lead pollution primarily addresses environmental and public health issues; or rather it primarily addresses political and economic development issues, and whether this difference is significant. The article makes suggestions for how China can improve its environmental enforcement, and in so doing, contributes to a growing field of scholarship that examines environmental governance issues in the context of developing countries. 相似文献
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Carolyn Johns Adam Thorn Debora VanNijnatten 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2018,18(3):315-333
Scholars and practitioners around the globe are grappling with how to improve the effectiveness of complex, transboundary, and multilevel environmental regimes. International environmental agreements (IEAs) have been around for decades yet achievements and outcomes have not met expectations. While international relations scholars have primarily focused on the effectiveness of agreements between states, public policy scholars have been interested in outcomes at a variety of scales including international, national, sub-national, and local across various environmental policy domains and at the instrument and program levels. This article presents findings from a case study of environmental regime effectiveness that uses a modified version of the Oslo-Postdam solution to assess the effectiveness of the Great Lakes Water Quality Agreement, a long-standing, bilateral international environmental agreement between Canada and the USA. The findings indicate that there is a need to more broadly define international environmental agreements in complex transboundary systems to include both formal and informal regime features and multilevel governance efforts and to focus on specific policy goals and ecological outcomes associated with IEAs. This case also illustrates the potential to modify the Oslo-Postdam approach by combining expert assessment and data collection methods with traditional policy analysis and program evaluation methods in assessments of environmental regime effectiveness. 相似文献
120.
Although there is a substantial literature examining public confidence in the judiciary in developed nations, scholars have paid scant attention to analyzing judicial confidence in developing countries. Building on extant work regarding developed nations and introducing original hypotheses in the context of developing nations, this research explains influences on public confidence in Latin American judiciaries by developing a theory that focuses on the potential influences of institutional quality, experiences, and individual attitudes. The hypotheses are empirically tested with the rich individual‐level data compiled by the Latin American Public Opinion Project 2006 survey. The results indicate that a variety of factors influence public confidence in Latin American courts; the role of context explains points of consistency and divergence with research on developed nations. 相似文献