Distrust of Government, the Vigilante Tradition, and Support for Capital Punishment

This study probes the interconnections among distrust of government, the historical context, and public support for the death penalty in the United States with survey data for area-identified samples of white and black respondents. Multilevel statistical analyses indicate contrary effects of government distrust on support for the death penalty for blacks and whites, fostering death penalty support among whites and diminishing it among blacks. In addition, we find that the presence of a "vigilante tradition," as indicated by a history of lynching, promotes death penalty support among whites but not blacks. Finally, contrary to Zimring's argument in The Contradictions of Capital Punishment , we find no evidence that vigilantism moderates the influence of government distrust on support for the death penalty, for either whites or blacks. Our analyses highlight the continuing influence of historical context as well as contemporary conditions in the formation of public attitudes toward criminal punishment, and they underscore the importance of attending to racial differences in the analysis of punitive attitudes.     

US Presidential popularity and opportunities to coerce North Korea: a quantitative test 1990 2000

This paper investigates how North Korean behaviour towards boththe United States and South Korea is influenced by the popularityof the American President. The study applies theories relatingto strategic conflict avoidance and signalling to suggest thatthe American President is able to demonstrate a willingnessto use force when he is unpopular and as such is better ableto coerce Pyongyang. Using a time-series model, I demonstratethat the North Koreans become more cooperative towards the UnitedStates in response to decreases in presidential popularity andincreasing levels of US inflation. However, the study also showsthat the North Koreans do not alter their behaviour towardsthe South Koreans in response to low American President Popularityratings. The research, therefore, suggests that the North Koreansbelieve that the United States would be unable to launch a diversionaryattack in response to North Korean behaviour towards the South.This study provides a clear support for the strategic avoidanceof conflict hypothesis and suggests that the American Presidentsare best able to coerce North Korea when they are unpopularat home. Received for publication August 31, 2005. Accepted for publication December 21, 2005.     

医疗事故罪客观要件探析

认定医疗事故罪,在客观上首先必须存在合法的医疗行为。其次必须在合法的医疗过程中出现严重不负责任的行为。认定严重不负责任,应当主要结合医务人员的注意义务,把违反常规性、常识性的注意义务,以及常发性的过失行为认定为严重不负责任。再次,严重损害就诊人身体健康应当根据《刑法》所规定的重伤标准去判断。最后,严重不负责任是就诊人死亡或严重损害就诊人身体健康的后果的主要原因力。     

Stag Hunting with the State AG: Anti-Tobacco Litigation and the Emergence of Cooperation Among State Attorneys General

Employing a critical-mass theory of collective action, this article models the emergence of cooperation among state attorneys general in litigation against the tobacco industry. These suits were not independent events, nor was cooperation based on prior agreement among the attorneys general. Rather, cooperation emerged over time as a result of interdependent decision-making, with early lawsuits increasing the likelihood of later suits. The model emphasizes the "production function" of the collective good and the heterogeneity of the attorneys general and their political environments as keys to the development of cooperation. The model is tested against data using event history analysis.     

大鼠视神经夹伤后视网膜病变及其F-VEP检测

目的观测大鼠视神经夹伤后视网膜病变及其对视功能时序性变化的影响。方法建立大鼠视神经夹伤模型,分别于伤后1、3、5、7、9、14、28、56、84d光镜观察视网膜病变,闪光视觉诱发电位(F-VEP)检测视功能状况。结果大鼠视神经损伤诱导视网膜神经节细胞(RGCs)较正常眼明显减少。损伤后3～7d RGCs减少率快速上升,14d 后缓慢下降,28d后几乎无明显变化。视神经损伤1d F-VEP波形变得低而宽;1-14d峰潜时和波幅呈进行性下降, 28d后变化平稳,并显示恢复迹象。结论神经损伤后节细胞继发性病变是视功能进行性下降的重要基础;并与视功能的时间规律变化具有相关性。     

Human Rights and Modern Liberalism: a Critique

The idea of human rights has become one of the central moral notions of both the theory and practice of international politics. While its foundation and future in the practice of politics looks bright, it is an idea that still causes great trouble at the theoretical level. What are human rights? Why do we have them? To what should we attribute the authority of their moral claims? The theorist Michael Freeman has suggested one theory that by addressing such questions may serve as a foundation for human rights. His theory, however, ends by begging the questions it set out to answer.