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111.
Amanuel Alemu Abajobir Steve Kisely Gail Marilyn Williams Alexandra Marie Clavarino Jackob Moses Najman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2017,46(1):165-179
Little is known about the associations between various types of childhood maltreatment and multiple forms of intimate partner violence victimization in early adulthood. This study examines the extent to which childhood experiences of maltreatment increase the risk for intimate partner violence victimization in early adulthood. Data for the present study are from 3322 young adults (55?% female) of the Mater Hospital-University of Queensland Study of Pregnancy with the mean age of 20.6 years. The Mater Hospital-University of Queensland Study of Pregnancy is a prospective Australian pre-birth cohort study of mothers consecutively recruited during their first antenatal clinic visit at Brisbane’s Mater Hospital from 1981 through to 1983. Participants completed the Composite Abuse Scale at 21-year follow-up and linked this dataset to agency recorded substantiated cases of childhood maltreatment. In adjusted models, the odds of reporting emotional intimate partner violence victimization were 1.84, 2.64 and 3.19 times higher in physically abused, neglected and emotionally abused children, respectively. Similarly, the odds of physical intimate partner violence victimization were 1.76, 2.31, 2.74 and 2.76 times higher in those children who had experienced physical abuse, sexual abuse, neglect and emotional abuse, respectively. Harassment was 1.63 times higher in emotionally abused children. The odds of severe combined abuse were 3.97 and 4.62 times greater for emotionally abused and neglected children, respectively. The strongest associations involved reports of child emotional abuse and neglect and multiple forms of intimate partner violence victimization in young adulthood. Childhood maltreatment is a chronic adversity that is associated with specific and multiple forms of intimate partner violence victimization in adulthood. 相似文献
112.
AbstractFocusing on Japan, this paper explores whether powers and competences in the political system are likely to be recalibrated in favour of the executive when the environment is perceived as increasingly threatening. It shows that the executive has been significantly strengthened during the past two decades of political reforms, though a closer look reveals that only the most recent efforts are motivated by security concerns. Case studies on military deployments and arms exports do not expose any clear trend towards curbing parliament’s formal control powers, but they indicate two related mechanisms that affect executive?legislative relations. Firstly, the executive has sought to ensure faster decision-making in security policy, which may limit the Diet’s ability to scrutinise policies in depth. Secondly, the level of contestation over security policy issues has been decreasing, especially given the securitisation of North Korea and China. This provides the executive with more leeway in devising policies. 相似文献
113.
This study argues that the reputational concerns of several high-profile actors drove the emergence of oil sector transparency as an international norm. Thanks to successful advocacy campaigns, developing country oil sector operations began to pose increasing levels of reputational risk to Western governments, international institutions, and corporations. These actors responded to this scrutiny by facilitating the evolution of transparency into a widely cited oil sector "best practice." However, the self-interests of these actors also altered the course of the norm's definition and institutionalization in ways which may constrain its eventual impact on industry behaviors. This study narrates the surprising and rapid spread of the transparency norm in developing country oil affairs, a process which suggests that reputational utility should be considered as a possible explanation for norm emergence. 相似文献
114.
Alexandra Epstein 《Women's history review》2013,22(5):699-719
This article examines US Trade Commissioner Viola Smith’s role in the furtherance of the American empire between World Wars I and II. As a Foreign Service Officer in Shanghai, China on behalf of the Department of Commerce and through her activism as an international feminist in the Pacific region, Smith perpetuated the imperialist project. As Trade Commissioner, she implemented trade policy in lucrative China that helped to economically enrich the USA. Likewise, as an international feminist, Smith injected Western superiority to the international feminist sphere through her work for peace and women’s rights in the Pacific. 相似文献
115.
The literature provides linear regression formulas for dental age estimation that is based on radiological two-dimensional measurements of the pulp size. The aim of the present study was to explore whether the previously presented regression formulas could lead to statistically sound results and to appropriate repeatability when applied to young individuals. Orthopantomograms (OPGs) of 44 Austrian individuals, aged between 13 and 24 years, were selected at random. In accordance with the reported method, six teeth on each OPG were chosen to carry out the measurements. Statistical analysis was performed in order to assess the difference between the estimated and the true chronological age. The regression formulas reported by Kvaal et al. (1995) led to a consistent underestimation; the regression formulas reported by Paewinsky et al. (2005) resulted in a constant overestimation of age. The statistical analysis of intraobserver and interobserver variation revealed a variation width below 2%, respectively. 相似文献
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117.
Recent work has suggested that issue ownership has a competence and an associative dimension and that both dimensions are less stable than originally assumed. This study is the first attempt to directly compare the stability and change of voters’ perceptions on both dimensions. Using data from the 2015 Swiss Election Study, linking data from a combined panel/rolling cross-section survey with an extensive media analysis, this study finds that voters are more likely to maintain their issue ownership perceptions if the party they identify as the issue owner before the campaign receives a higher share of media campaign coverage. This stabilizing effect is conditional on the importance of the issue for the voter, and it is stronger for voters’ competence evaluations than for their party-issue associations, which proved to be more stable. Thus, the results confirm the literature’s previously untested assumption that voters’ associative ownership perceptions are more stable than their competence ownership evaluations. 相似文献
118.
Alexandra Feddersen 《Swiss Political Science Review》2015,21(2):287-301
This contribution analyzes the public discourse on foreigners and Muslims in Switzerland between 2000 and 2009. In Switzerland, as elsewhere in Europe, the Muslim minority has emerged as the main concern for integration in public discourse. What makes Muslims special in the debate on immigration and integration? How does the public discourse on Muslims differ from the portrayal of foreigners in general? A quantitative content analysis of four Swiss newspapers was conducted covering three direct democratic campaigns. While the demographic composition of the Muslim minority has not changed substantially, the way Muslims are perceived in public discourse did. Certain ethnic groups, which are still categorized as foreigners in 2000, are mainly assigned to the Muslim minority in 2009. The latter is seen as a relatively homogeneous group raising other issues than foreigners. These results should lead to question the current academic and political debate on integration in Switzerland. 相似文献
119.
Alexandra Dobra 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2015,15(3):268-276
The persisting Eurozone's crisis is a combination of a sovereign debt crisis and a banking crisis that have been triggered by the Global Financial Crisis. The sovereign debt crisis is the consequence of a policy laxity for applying the principles and fiscal rules of the monetary union, which led to macroeconomic imbalances and enforced the mispricing of risks by the markets that in turn contributed to escalate the banking crisis. To address the consequences of the Eurozone's crisis, the European Union has implemented a new crisis management framework, which, however, is not immune to trials. The present paper follows a tripartite structure and begins by examining the causes of the Eurozone's crisis and draws its lessons. Second, it examines the reforms of the new crisis management framework and highlights their key challenges. Third, in light of these lessons and challenges, a return to three ‘fundamentals’ is advocated and the case of enhancing the position of the European Union within the area of international financial regulation is built to highlight how this is an optimal policy area for addressing the endemic weaknesses of the Eurozone and how this can contribute to securing a sustainable growth. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
120.