Nobody trusts them! Under- and over-policing Native American Communities

Interviews with 278 Native Americans from seven states, and representing eight American Indian nations have revealed startling patterns of racial violence against this community. In part, this may be accounted for by the enabling climate created by law enforcement in these communities. Of particular concern in this paper are patterns of police activity, which simultaneously represent both the under-enforcement and over-enforcement of the law with respect to Native American communities. Participants have reported activities ranging from willful blindness toward Native American victimization at one extreme, to police brutality at the other.     

The Theory of Democratic Peace and Threat Perception

President Franklin D. Roosevelt's assessment of Hitler as a potential threat to American security in the aftermath of the Munich crisis highlights the role of liberal-democratic norms in shaping the threat perceptions of democratic leaders. A critical factor in Roosevelt's post-Munich expectation of future trouble for the United States was his judgment that Hitler's contempt for democratic processes of accommodation forecasted unlimited aims. Since Roosevelt did not link his perception of threat to regime type, however, this episode also calls into question a central tenet of the theory of democratic peace: the notion that democracies invariably harbor a "presumption of enmity" toward nondemocracies. Nevertheless, the Munich case allows us to see which democratic norms do matter in threat perception and establishes that they are not simply the epiphenomena of state interests. Moreover, Roosevelt's response to the Munich crisis shows that threat can be assessed primarily on the basis of intentions and suggests how democratic predispositions can provide indicators of intent. Finally, in analyzing why some democratic leaders derive diagnostic information about aggressive intentions from such indicators, while others do not, this article explores the connection between different leaders' perceptions and the foreign policy processes of democratic states.     

Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument for mental health needs of youths in residential welfare/justice institutions: identifying gender differences across countries and settings

This study examines the use of the Massachusetts Youth Screening Instrument-Second Version (MAYSI-2) for mental health needs among 1643 youngsters in residential welfare/justice institutions in Europe and the USA, identifying gender differences across countries and settings. Overall, the MAYSI-2 appeared to be a reliable instrument among these youngsters, with only some scales falling (slightly) below the threshold of acceptable internal consistency. Girls (vs. boys) in Belgian/USA justice institutions and Swiss mixed welfare/justice institutions displayed higher scores for the angry–irritable, depressed–anxious, somatic complaints, suicide ideation scales. Also, detained girls from Belgium and Switzerland reported higher scores for traumatic experiences. No gender differences were revealed among adolescents in German welfare institutions. Our findings suggest that the MAYSI-2 may serve as a useful mental health screening instrument among youngsters in welfare/justice institutions and that girls in justice institutions and mixed welfare/justice institutions form a particularly vulnerable population with regard to mental health problems.     

Movers and stayers: mobility patterns among senior public servants in Canadian provinces

Abstract: There has developed in Canada a well‐established literature on bureaucratic elites at the federal level. There has not, however, been a systematic study of bureaucratic elites at the provincial level. While individual scholars have studied particular provincial governments, there have been few studies that covered more than one province. This paper, which analyses a census of assistant deputy ministers and deputy ministers in every Canadian province between 1988 and 1996, considers the mobility of these top two levels of the senior public service. The findings indicate that there has only been a slight decline in the number of senior public servants as governments have downsized. The findings also show that, unlike at the federal level, there is limited mobility among these senior public servants, with roughly one‐third of them changing each year. In some provinces, mobility levels increase slightly in the year after an election. Levels of mobility and changes in the number of senior public servants also vary across provinces, but there is no pattern based on the size of the province. Finally, there are important differences in the mobility depending on the type of department. In particular, in departments where there is a core knowledge or skill, mobility levels are much lower than in departments that lack such a core. These findings throw some light on the difficulties provinces may have in solving some of their more intractable policy problems. Sommaire: Il existe au Canada une bibliographie solidement implantée concernant les elites bureaucratiques au niveau fédéral. Il n'y a pas eu, par contre, d'étude systématique concernant les élites bureaucratiques au palier provincial. Des chercheurs ont analysé un gouvemement provincial à la fois mais peu d'études ont examiné plus d'une province à la fois. Dans cet article, qui analyse un recensement de sous‐ministres adjoints et de sous‐ministres dans chaque province du Canada entre 1988 et 1996, nous examinons la mobilité des ces deux niveaux supérieurs du fonctionnariat. Face aux réductions d'effectifs gouvernementaux, le déclin du nombre de hauts fonctionnaires semble avoir été léger. On constate aussi que, à l'encontre du palier fédéral, il y a une mobilité limitée chez ces derniers, environ un tiers changeant chaque année. Dans certaines provinces, le taux de mobilité augmente légèrement l'année qui suit une élection. Les taux de mobilité et l'évolution du nombre de hauts fonctionnaires varient aussi d'une province à l'autre, mais la taille de la province ne semble pas être un facteur déterminant. Enfin, il y a des écarts de mobilité importants selon le type de ministère. Notamment, les ministères exigeant des connaissances ou des aptitudes particulières ont des taux de mobilité très inférieurs à ceux des autres. Ces constatations mettent en relief les difficultés auxquelles peuvent se heurter les provinces lorsqu'elles essaient de régler certains de leurs problèmes les plus ardus en matière de politiques.     

The Big Problem of Small Allies: New Data and Theory on Defiant Local Counterinsurgency Partners in Afghanistan and Iraq

Alliance politics are critical yet understudied in counterinsurgency interventions. Despite the importance of local allies, traditional research on alliances fails to account for the challenges of managing in-country counterinsurgency security partners or explain variation among which types of policy requests from large intervening allies are likely to result in compliance or defiance by local partners. When did US intervening forces have leverage in Iraq and Afghanistan, and when was American influence limited? Utilizing thousands of US government documents to analyze over 250 US demands of allies in Kabul and Baghdad, this paper reexamines established variables in the literature on inter-alliance bargaining—namely allied interests and dependencies—to offer a new model describing the interaction of these variables in asymmetric counterinsurgency partnerships. The theory predicts when large allies are likely to influence local partners and when these intervening forces will likely fail to coerce them.     

Professional Cities: Accredited Agencies,Government Structure,and Rational Choice

Accreditation, long used to signal quality among hospitals and universities, has been available to police, fire, and public works departments since the late 1980s. For public service departments, accreditation is a voluntary process that demands significant organizational resources without a guaranteed outcome. Why would city officials devote scarce resources to such an endeavor? Two explanations are examined. First, accreditation may be a rational response to a history of trouble or the potential for future crisis. Second, municipalities may use accreditation to build a reputation for professional administration of public services. The authors use Poisson regression to test these explanations on a new data set of midsize cities .     

Decolonising online development studies? Emancipatory aspirations and critical reflections – a case study

Academics in high-income countries are increasingly launching development studies programmes through online distance learning to engage practitioner-students in low-income countries. Are such initiatives providing opportunities to critically tackle social injustice, or merely ‘mirroring’ relations of global inequality and re-entrenching imperial practices? Building on recent scholarship addressing efforts to ‘decolonise development studies’ and the complex power dynamics they encounter, we reflect on this question by analysing experiences of faculty and students in a United Kingdom-based online development studies programme, focusing particularly on perspectives of development practitioner-students working from Africa. We discuss barriers to social inclusivity – including the politics of language – that shaped participation dynamics in the programme as well as debates regarding critical development course content, rethinking possibilities for bridging counter-hegemonic development scholarship with practice-oriented approaches in a range of social contexts. Our analysis unpacks key tensions in addressing intertwined institutional and pedagogic dilemmas for an agenda towards decolonising online development studies, positioning decolonisation as a necessarily unsettling and contested process that calls for greater self-reflexivity.     

Building and Enhancing Efficacious Coparenting in Parenting Coordination

Parenting coordination is a dispute resolution process to assist the subset of separating/divorcing parents who remain entrenched in high conflict coparenting post‐separation/divorce. Based on factors known to impact positive child outcomes, its goals include assisting parents to protect children from their conflict and implementing a framework that will assist the child to have a good relationship with both parents. Despite significant efforts, parenting coordination often falls short of achieving its intended goals, which include not only healthy child adjustment but also efficacious coparenting, which is itself an important mediator and moderator of child outcomes. This article raises questions and concerns about the extent to which child outcomes may be limited if the goals of parenting coordination are limited to establishing and implementing a disengaged, parallel model of coparenting, while avoiding or giving up on efforts to build and enhance cooperative coparenting. Given preliminary findings indicating some parents note change here express dissatisfaction with the process and outcomes, it is necessary to consider whether the seemingly intractable subset of parents referred for parenting coordination might benefit from something more or different. We discuss two innovations: One aims to strengthen individual parent readiness and responsiveness and the other brings parents together in a child‐centered team‐building approach. Though cooperative coparenting is a challenging and unrealistic goal for some parents, further research is necessary to understand more fully which interventions help which families, when and in what manner.