Increasing Turnout: A Compelling Case?

Recently several thinkers have endorsed compulsion or other measures to increase turnout and revitalise democracy. This article argues that such measures are misguided, because lower turnout (even if unequal across social groups) is not necessarily undemocratic – indeed, it may serve democratic values by, for example, making it more likely that decisions really are made by the relevant constituency, with those most affected getting more say. Encouraging others to vote, or even to turn out, runs the risk of distorting electoral outcomes. If there is no clear democratic case for compulsion, then we should not risk even small limits on individual liberty.     

The Privatisation of Prisoner Transfer Services in Western Australia. What Can we Learn from the Ward Case?

In 2008, Aboriginal elder Mr Ward died of heat stroke while being transported in the back of a prison van operated by private security company GSL (now G4S). This article will address the role accountability mechanisms can play in improving correctional and custodial services and whether existing oversight frameworks can provide a proper supervision and quality control of private security operators. It will focus on the key reports issued by Western Australia's Inspector of Custodial Services, the independent office to oversee the prisoner transfer system. Another central source of information will be an examination of the report and recommendations handed down by the Western Australian Coroner Alastair Hope in June 2009. The Hope Report details the numerous failings of the system which led to the Ward tragedy. Both GSL and the Western Australian state government had breached a duty of care to Mr Ward. Further, it remains highly problematical having a range of oversight bodies if elected government is able to simply ignore the subsequent advice. Parliament must therefore remain a central part of the system of political accountability.     

主观性很重要——重新思考俄罗斯与西方关系

在后苏联时代,俄罗斯外交政策的典型特征是情境性前后矛盾的重复出现,即立场的不对称变化以及与参与政策形成巨大反差的行为。这种不合逻辑的外交政策行为突出表现在2008年俄格冲突、北约东扩和美国计划在西欧部署导弹防御系统的过程中。传统理性主义国际关系理论都是以行为体为中心,都假设行为体的政策偏好不是易变的,所以对俄罗斯这种让人困惑的外交政策行为时缺乏解释力。外交政策受到行为体对世界的主观解读和情绪的影响。俄罗斯不被西方尊重的感觉导致了两者的冲突,俄罗斯的"愤怒"是不被尊重的感觉导致的情绪化判断,是为了显示自身的重要性而非起破坏作用。分析俄罗斯外交政策中的主观性因素,为更好地理解俄罗斯与西方关系提供了一个新的理论和分析的角度。     

Tacticians,Stewards, and Professionals: The Politics of Publishing Select Committee Legal Advice

At Westminster, there are increasing pressures on select committees to publish in‐house legal advice. We suggest that examining the process of deciding to publish provides useful insights into the provision, reception, and use of legal advice, and the dynamics of select committees generally. We argue that the autonomy of select committees to decide what use they make of evidence and advice they receive is, in practice, constrained by the intra‐institutional dynamics and practices of select committees. Committee actors – parliamentarians, clerks, and parliamentary lawyers – each have overlapping, sometimes competing, roles. Most of the time, these roles and the responsibilities they encompass coincide, but the prospect of publication reveals clear tensions between the different actors. This is the politics of publication: the tactical approach of politicians is in tension with the stewardship of clerks and the professional norms of parliamentary lawyers. We suggest this tension will only increase in the near future.     

P300测谎的新取向

现在,P300是研究者使用的最多也是研究的最深入的一种脑电指标。根据实验模式的不同,目前的P300研究可以分为两大类：模拟犯罪模式和自传性信息模式。而目前P300研究的取向则集中在三个方面：一个是关于反测谎对P300的影响;一个则探讨撒谎动机或意向对P300的影响;还有一些研究则集中在将P300与其他脑电指标结合测谎上。如今,P300测谎的实验室研究已经颇有成效,但仍有生态效度不足的缺点。今后P300测谎研究应该以实际生活中的真实犯罪案件或普通人的过失行为为主,提高实验的生态效度及应用性。