全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1069篇 |
免费 | 71篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 55篇 |
工人农民 | 40篇 |
世界政治 | 107篇 |
外交国际关系 | 130篇 |
法律 | 470篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 325篇 |
综合类 | 9篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 10篇 |
2021年 | 6篇 |
2020年 | 28篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 35篇 |
2017年 | 54篇 |
2016年 | 62篇 |
2015年 | 38篇 |
2014年 | 40篇 |
2013年 | 151篇 |
2012年 | 35篇 |
2011年 | 54篇 |
2010年 | 38篇 |
2009年 | 40篇 |
2008年 | 38篇 |
2007年 | 26篇 |
2006年 | 35篇 |
2005年 | 40篇 |
2004年 | 42篇 |
2003年 | 40篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 17篇 |
2000年 | 26篇 |
1999年 | 17篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 15篇 |
1996年 | 11篇 |
1995年 | 9篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 16篇 |
1992年 | 8篇 |
1991年 | 14篇 |
1990年 | 14篇 |
1989年 | 10篇 |
1988年 | 6篇 |
1987年 | 8篇 |
1985年 | 11篇 |
1984年 | 5篇 |
1983年 | 7篇 |
1982年 | 6篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 3篇 |
1978年 | 4篇 |
1977年 | 4篇 |
1976年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 5篇 |
1974年 | 4篇 |
1972年 | 3篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有1140条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
261.
Brian A. Jackson 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(3):183-213
Because of the importance of technology to the operations of modern terrorist groups, the factors that affect the technological sophistication of extreme organizations are of great interest. In this article, the process through which terrorist groups seek out and deploy new technology is examined by bringing to bear the deep literature that exists on technology adoption by commercial organizations. A framework is described that delineates not only the factors that influence a group's decision-making processes surrounding new technology but also the obstacles that stand in the way of the successful absorption and use of unfamiliar technologies by a terrorist organization. This framework, by taking a holistic view of the entire technology adoption process, sets out a methodology to both more reasonably predict the outcome of a group's technology-seeking efforts and to speculate about its future innovation efforts. Such a technology focused viewpoint provides a route to more fully inform risk assessment, especially with regard to the low probabilityhigh consequence technologies that have served as the focus of much recent counterterrorist deliberation. The lessons provided by the framework with respect to weapons of mass destruction terrorism and to novel counterterrorist routes are discussed. 相似文献
262.
263.
Brian Brown Programme Manager 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):449-473
In this paper, a Sure Start programme is used to explain an emergent ‘Service Domain’ model, built around innovative and creative service integration and complementary multi-professional partnerships for pre-school children and their families in disadvantaged communities. Sure Start, the cornerstone of the government's ambitious policy to eradicate child poverty in the UK by 2020, and a major departure from traditional single agency service delivery, emulates the Head Start initiative in the USA where funding came directly from federal government and by-passed state legislatures. The Sure Start funding mechanism had a pre-requisite to establish multi-agency partnerships with equal parent representation, as a result of central government's frustration with the failure of mainstream agencies to unite strategically and operationally to deliver integrated services. The Sure Start initiative represented a nationally coordinated attempt by central government to address previously disjointed approaches to children's services integration. 相似文献
264.
265.
In terrorist operations, weapons technologies are the tools groups use to pursue their violent ends. Because of differences in what they can do, different weapons are useful for different types of operations. Using a random sample of terrorist incidents from the RAND-MIPT Terrorism Incident Database, this article explores (1) how terrorists in general used particular weapons technologies and (2) the variation in the technology choices of individual terrorist groups. The results demonstrate significant differences in the ways different weapons are used, in the versatility of individual technologies, and among the technology strategies of different terrorist organizations. 相似文献
266.
The negotiation literature has extensively examined the topic of power and how it can be wielded. Numerous frameworks have been created and utilized in the various treatises on negotiations; analyzing the power differential in any given situation is a common teaching technique. However, despite this focus on the topic, discussions of power have been mainly focused on negotiations in the private sector. As a result, many of the most common frameworks are oriented toward this type of situation, resulting in a clumsy application to a public-sector negotiation. Given the growing importance of negotiations to public-sector leaders, we provide a new structure for analyzing power that can be utilized in such situations. For a municipal leader confronted with a complex public-private partnership, it is important to have the right tools to use when examining the power dynamics at play. After examining several current models of power, as well as other writings on the topic in negotiation and strategy literature, we present a new model. This model divides power into different categories based on whether it stems from formal or informal mechanisms, and then offers several specific forms relevant to the public sector. We then use this new model to examine a case study involving the new mayor of Manchester, New Hampshire and her efforts to negotiate a better response to the opioid and homelessness crisis. This case study illustrates the unique nature of public sector negotiations and provides a roadmap for negotiators looking to use our new framework. 相似文献
267.
John W. Patty Constanza F. Schibber Elizabeth Maggie Penn Brian F. Crisp 《American journal of political science》2019,63(3):563-576
To the degree that voters care about competence, expertise, and other valence characteristics of their representatives and political parties care about winning elections, parties have an incentive to signal that their legislators have such characteristics. We construct a model of parties, motivated by both reelection and by policy, that attempt to signal individual incumbents' valences to voters through the assignment of these members to positions of authority. The model illustrates how electorally motivated party leaders will have an incentive to promote less competent incumbents than they would if voters did not make inferences from promotion decisions. We derive the model's empirical implications and test them with original data on the careers of Chilean senators serving between 1998 and 2013. In support of the model's insights, we find that promotion to a leadership position is an effective signal to voters only if the promoted incumbent has extreme views relative to the party. 相似文献
268.
Meloy JR James DV Mullen PE Pathé MT Farnham FR Preston LF Darnley BJ 《Journal of forensic sciences》2011,56(Z1):S128-S135
Detailed comparison of factors associated with abnormal approach to the prominent and with escalation from communication to approach has not hitherto been undertaken. This partially reflects the failure of individual studies to adopt compatible terminologies. This study involves a careful dissection of six public figure studies, three involving U.S. politicians, two Hollywood celebrities, and one the British Royal Family. Common findings were unearthed across six headings. Approachers were significantly more likely to exhibit serious mental illness, engage in multiple means of communication, involve multiple contacts/targets, and to incorporate into their communication requests for help. They were significantly less likely to use threatening or antagonistic language in their communications, except in those cases involving security breaches. These results emphasize the importance of integrating mental health findings and preventive measures into risk management. Approach should not be regarded as a single behavioral category and has multiple motivations. Future studies should adopt standard terminology, preferably taken from the general stalking research. 相似文献
269.
Vaughn MG Delisi M Gunterbh T Fu Q Beaver KM Perron BE Howard MO 《Journal of criminal justice》2011,39(1):75-80
Objective
Criminological research consistently demonstrates that approximately 5% of study populations are comprised of pathological offenders who account for a preponderance of antisocial behavior and violent crime. Unfortunately, there have been no nationally representative epidemiological studies characterizing the severe 5% group.Materials and Methods
Data from the 2001-2002 National Epidemiologic Survey on Alcohol and Related Conditions (NESARC), a nationally representative sample of 43,093 non-institutionalized U.S. residents aged 18 years and older were analyzed using latent class analysis to assess sociodemographic, psychiatric, and behavioral characteristics.Results
Four-classes of respondents were identified vis-à-vis lifetime externalizing behaviors. A normative class (66.1% of respondents) demonstrated little involvement in antisocial conduct. A low substance use/high antisocial behavior class (20.7% of respondents) and high substance use/moderate antisocial behavior (8.0% of respondents) class evinced diverse externalizing and psychiatric symptoms. Finally, a severe class (5.3% of respondents) was characterized by pathological involvement in more varied and intensive forms of antisocial and externalizing behaviors and extensive psychiatric disturbance.Conclusions
The current study is the first nationally representative epidemiological study of criminal careers/externalizing behavior spectrum in the United States and validates the existence of the 5% pathological group demonstrated by prior research. 相似文献270.