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Racial/ethnic differences in the prevalence and correlates of self-reported spousal violence in a community sample of Anglo, Black, and Mexican American adults are examined. Females, the formerly married, and Black females in particular (up to 60% of formerly married) were most likely to report both being beaten by and beating a spouse. Multivariate analyses controlling for demographic variables, financial stress, social desirability, sex role traditionalism and drinking quantity (and spouse's drinking among the currently married) did not eliminate the greater likelihood of reports of both beating and being beaten among married Black females. There was little consistent evidence to suggest greater violence propensity among Mexican American than Anglo respondents. The findings raise questions about simplistic socioeconomic status or financial stress explanations of observed racial/ethnic differences in spousal violence. Further, curvilinear effects of alcohol quantity and spouse drinking upon reported violence question simple disinhibition arguments and suggest the need for data regarding couple dynamics. 相似文献
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Wildfires in the United States have become more widespread andsevere, more costly, and more likely to affect multiple propertyowners. Once thought of as a potential risk for individual landowners,wildfires increasingly are becoming a common threat for groupsof owners and whole communities. Because federal agencies arevery large owners of wildlands, they have developed the nation'slargest capability for managing wildfires, and they are keyplayers in developing a more collaborative approach to dealwith this growing threat. This approach must involve multiplefederal agencies, state, local, and tribal governments, firedepartments, and many non-governmental cooperators. It createsmany new interagency, intergovernmental, and public-privatechallenges for managing large efforts that cross jurisdictionalboundaries. These new challenges include efforts to improveecological health, fight fires, regulate development, find money,and create common knowledge. This article examines these emergingchallenges to U.S. federalism, finds that a number of changesin current practices are needed, and concludes that a new intergovernmentalapproach would be beneficial. 相似文献
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This article is an adapted, narrative version of an expert witnessreport the author wrote for the Defence of one of the accusedbefore the Special Court for Sierra Leone. The case againstthe Civil Defence Forces militia was predicated in part on theargument that the CDF was a military organization with military-stylecommand and control. Based on a close reading of the Prosecution'smilitary expert witness report and the author's ethnographicresearch with the militia, the article outlines a case for understandingthe CDF as the militarization of a social network rather thanas a military organization. This framing has implications notonly for post-conflict adjudication, but for how we think aboutand intervene in violent contexts throughout contemporary WestAfrica. 相似文献
278.
Jonathan Hoffman 《中东政策》2021,28(1):87-104
Great-power competition has once again assumed primacy in the international arena. Facing a rising China and a resurgent Russia, the United States formally reoriented its National Security Strategy in 2017 to place more emphasis on the return of great-power politics and global multipolarity. With the resumption of such competition, the Middle East has rightfully been noted as a regional theater where Russia and China have sought to exploit US policy blunders and retrenchment (real or perceived) to push for increased regional multipolarity. Although the Middle East has been recognized as a prime theater for great-power competition, the approaches adopted by most existing studies are primarily one-sided: they examine great-power competition in the region from the outside, stressing how global powers are manipulating affairs in the Middle East in order to advance their own interests. Often missing from this conversation is how external engagement in the Middle East is being exploited and shaped by regional powers and endogenous developments. This study seeks to fill this gap by using the conceptual lens of omnialignment to examine how regional powers are manipulating the return of great-power competition to advance their own strategic imperatives, both at home and abroad. 相似文献
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The hypothesis that drug enforcementis relatively high in local jurisdictions where statelaws dictate that police retain seized assets istested in the context of a reduced-form equation ofthe supply and demand for drug enforcement. Theresults are robust across model specifications, someof which directly control for the level of drug use:legislation permitting police to keep seized assetsraises drug arrests as a portion of total arrests byabout 20 percent and drug arrest rates by about 18percent. Police bureaucrats apparently desirediscretionary budget increases, and they haveconsiderable discretion in determining resourceallocation. 相似文献
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