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51.
The emergence of behavioral public administration has led to increasing calls for public managers and policy makers to consider predictable cognitive biases when regulating individual behaviors or market transactions. Recognizing that cognitive biases can also affect the regulators themselves, this article attempts to understand how the institutional environment in which regulators operate interacts with their cognitive biases. In other words, to what extent does the “choice architecture” that regulators face reinforce or counteract predictable cognitive biases? Just as knowledge of behavioral insights can help regulators design a choice architecture that frames individual decisions to encourage welfare-enhancing choices, it may help governments understand and design institutions to counter cognitive biases in regulators that contribute to deviations from public interest policies. From these observations, the article offers some modest suggestions for improving the regulatory choice architecture. 相似文献
52.
统筹使用各类编制资源,是新时代机构和行政体制改革的重要方向。本文首先分析了编制分类的内容构成、不同类型编制的管理权限、编制总量控制的政策约束,进而对编制分类管理的效应及带来的问题进行了综合性分析。接着,追踪梳理当前地方统筹使用各类编制的最新探索和创新。在此基础上,从跨类别、跨部门、跨地域、跨层级四个维度,提出编制统筹管理改革的思路和政策建议。 相似文献
53.
Stephanie G. Neuman Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(3):429-451
The global defense industrial sector is a remarkably accurate indicator of the distribution of power in the post-Cold War international system. However, the defense industrial sector as a policy tool has received relatively little scrutiny, even though it not only reflects the international order, but also provides the United States with the ability to influence the foreign policy behavior of other states. The defense industrial sector is a powerful, if undervalued, diplomatic tool in the United States’ political arsenal. 相似文献
54.
刑事政策价值目标的追问 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
刑事政策决策者面对自由、秩序、正义、效益等价值 ,必然有所选择 ,古典主义的刑事政策、实证学派的刑事政策和新社会防卫的刑事政策 ,由于所处时代不同 ,制定刑事政策理念和基础不同 ,因而 ,呈现出不同的刑事政策价值目标的追求路径。 相似文献
55.
William A. Niskanen 《Public Choice》2006,128(1-2):351-356
This paper describes several dimensions of the cost of the U.S. response to the threat of terrorism. Following an evaluation of the nature and magnitude of the threat of terrorism against the United States, the paper describes the restrictions on our civil liberties, the fiscal and other costs of the major homeland security measures, the fiscal cost of programs that make no contribution to the defense against terrorism but are rationalized on that ground, and the effects on our language and the potential for civil discourse of an extended defense against terrorism. 相似文献
56.
57.
Kevin B. Smith 《American journal of political science》2006,50(4):1013-1022
What drives policymakers to put the interests of others above their own? If human nature is inherently selfish, it makes sense to institutionalize incentives that counter decision makers' temptations to use their positions to benefit themselves over others. A growing literature rooted in evolutionary theories of human behavior, however, suggests that humans, under certain circumstances, have inherent predispositions towards “representational altruism,” i.e., to make an authoritative decision to benefit another at one's own expense. Drawing on Hibbing and Alford's conception of the wary cooperator, a theoretical case is made for such behavioral expectations, which are confirmed in a series of original laboratory experiments. 相似文献
58.
In the early 1970s, Grand Canyon National Park intended to designate its land to “Wilderness,” including the controversial Colorado River corridor. However, by the end of the 1970s the potential for Wilderness designation was off the table, and would never seriously return for genuine consideration. Using Schattschneider's model of conflict, we explain how the organization of this conflict privileges the “causal story” of Wilderness opponents, and therefore why the canyon is not designated. It is our contention that members of Congress will not stand forward to support Wilderness designations without simultaneously providing benefits for extractive land use because (1) congressional representatives are more penalized for supporting than opposing Wilderness designations, (2) Wilderness advocacy groups do not pressure congressional delegates as firmly as opposition groups, and (3) key local congressional members are not likely to see Wilderness as a salient issue worth the risk of negative exposure. If these findings hold, the implication is that we may have reached the end of significant Wilderness designations in highly visible areas, unless critical aspects in land use conflict change. 相似文献
59.
李艳秋 《甘肃政法学院学报》2003,(5):23-29
鉴于传统的权利本质学说均无法全面的指出权利的所有特征 ,对于权利本质之研究采要素解释学的方法较为合理 ,研究权利之本质实际上就是确定何种要素为最核心、最基础之要素 ,就是确定权利概念的中心词。私权之最核心和最基础的要素应为自由 ,这是由私权的产生、发展的历史所决定的 ,私法建构之权利本位要求私法建构应以自由为本位 相似文献
60.
李君如 《中共贵州省委党校学报》2003,(3)
我们这次理论研讨会暨科研颁奖会,是全国党校系统学习和贯彻十六大精神和不久前召开的全国党校校长会议精神的一次重要会议。云耀同志对这次会议很重视,不仅多次听取汇报,而且亲自到中央党校科研部调研,并在今天上午作了重要 相似文献