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801.
There is no single road to democracy. However, there are some factors that seem to have consistently positive effects on democratic development. These include the existence of a large and diverse civil society; a sharp political break with the authoritarian past, followed by regular turnovers in political leadership and governing parties; stable state borders; and political institutions which empower parliaments and, in culturally diverse societies, give minorities political voice without locking them into permanent coalitions that block collaboration across group divides in pursuit of common goals. Less important are economic considerations—though economic reforms are far more likely in democratic settings than in authoritarian regimes and far more supportive over the medium- and long-term of robust economic performance.  相似文献   
802.
803.
Hybrid threats have now joined a growing suite of alternative concepts about the ever evolving character of modern conflict. Here and abroad, the hybrid threat construct has found traction in official policy circles despite its relative novelty. It has been cited by the U.S. Secretary of Defense in articles and speeches, and by policymakers now serving in the Pentagon. Heretofore, the rapidly growing hybrid threat literature has focused on the land warfare aspects of the threat. Modern hybrid threats, including Hezbollah and Iran, have demonstrated the ability to employ irregular tactics and advanced naval capabilities along with illegal or terrorist activity. Thus, the hybrid threat is applicable to naval forces and the U.S. Navy needs to dust off lessons learned from its last experience in the Persian Gulf in the late 1980s to better prepare for an even more challenging future.  相似文献   
804.
805.
Many lawyers, military legalists, scholars, and policymakers continue to march the United States down the road to full membership in the International Criminal Court (ICC). This article explores the darker side of such a trek, from both legal and strategy perspectives, by examining three important fracture points that make joining the ICC irreconcilable with our Constitutionally-based republican form of government: Constitutionally protected individual rights; the American legal notion of the individual right of self-defense, and the influence of Sharia law.  相似文献   
806.
When a speaker injures a party through online communication, the initial inquiry becomes how and where the injured party may recover damages from the internet speaker within the constitutional limits established by the 'Due Process Clause' of the constitution on the places where a plaintiff may choose to sue a defendant. The due process limits were created to prevent a plaintiff from suing a non-resident defendant in a resident's court system unless the defendant had enough contact with the state to reasonably anticipate being sued there. As cyberspace renders moot much of the geographical principles upon which jurisdictions rely, the issue of personal jurisdiction-the involuntary imposition of a forum state's legal power-emerges as a threshold issue in the law of online expression. The following paper addresses the jurisprudence of American courts in the area of personal jurisdiction, illustrating the need for clarity in this critical area of the law.  相似文献   
807.
To the extent that a grand strategy can be discerned in the first year of the Obama Administration, its defining features are not a break from the past but continuity. As the President himself has analogized since taking office, crafting grand strategy is like parallel parking. He has only been able to make changes to grand strategy around the margins since a number of existing commitments limit his freedom of action. This article first identifies the structural determinants of grand strategy, pointing to the international distribution of power, American bureaucracy, and public as the key sources of strategic constraint and opportunity. It then shows how shifts in these factors—comparatively less U.S. power, an overstretched military organized around counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan, and an American public weary from an aggressive grand strategy—produced a shift in grand strategy that predated the 2008 election and that remains consistent with the current strategic setting. It is for these reasons that the 2008 “change” election has produced considerable continuity in American grand strategy.  相似文献   
808.
Fired cartridge cases are a common type of evidence found at crime scenes. However, due to the high chamber temperatures and touch nature of this evidence, DNA testing is not commonly sought because it is believed DNA is only present in low levels, whether it is due to initial low levels of DNA and/or DNA degradation from the heat or inhibition of the PCR reaction. Moreover, very few laboratories report STR typing success with fired cases. This study focused on obtaining STR profiles from fired cartridge cases using the AmpFℓSTR® MiniFiler™ kit, which is designed to amplify DNA from low level, inhibited, and degraded samples. Comparisons to other STR amplification kits were also conducted. In attempt to simulate casework, random individuals loaded cartridges into a firearm. DNA was recovered from the fired cartridge cases using the double swab technique and extracted using an automated large volume DNA IQ™ method. Initially, testing focused on known shedders handling cartridges for 30 s prior to firing. A significantly greater number of alleles was obtained following amplification with the MiniFiler™ kit versus the PowerPlex® 16 BIO kit. No alleles were observed using the Identifiler® kit. In an attempt to better simulate casework, a random selection of laboratory personnel handled shotshells for as long as needed to load and fire the weapon. In this mock sample study, the MiniFiler™ kit successfully amplified an average of 22% of expected alleles from DNA recovered from shotshell cases versus the PowerPlex® 16 BIO kit where an average of 7% of alleles were observed. However, the total number of alleles obtained from the two kits was not significantly different. The quality of the DNA obtained from fired cases was studied with evidence of inhibition in at least 11% of shotshell case samples. After swabbing the head and the hull of three shotshell cases separately, a significantly greater number of alleles was obtained from the hull as opposed to the head of the fired shotshell case. In addition, after firing, various internal firearm surfaces were swabbed, including the chamber of barrel, ejection port, and breechface, in an attempt to obtain amplifiable DNA. DNA was obtained from the chamber of the barrel and was amplifiable using the MiniFiler™ kit, although mixtures were obtained with extensive drop-in and drop-out making this analysis unlikely to aid an investigation.  相似文献   
809.
One of the central difficulties to a right understanding of American civil-military relations is the nature of the U.S. military. Are our armed forces just obedient bureaucracies like most of the Executive branch, or are they vocational professions granted significant autonomy and a unique role in these relationships because of their expert knowledge and their expertise to apply it in the defense of America? To a large measure, the answer to this question should determine the behavior of the strategic leaders of these professions, including the uncommon behavior of public dissent. Using the “Revolt of the Generals” in 2006 as stimulus, the author develops from the study of military professions the critical trust relationships that should have informed their individual decisions to dissent. After doing so, he makes recommendations for the restoration of the professions’ ethic in this critical area of behavior by the senior Officers who are the professions’ strategic leaders.  相似文献   
810.
Under the Pentagon's current Global Defense Posture Review (GDPR), the United States is reducing its forces in several major Cold War base hosts and establishing a global network of smaller, more flexible facilities in new areas such as Central Asia, the Black Sea and Africa. Drawing upon recent evidence from the Central Asian base hosts of Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, this article cautions that these new U.S. overseas bases, despite their lighter footprint and regardless of the prevailing security situation, risk becoming enmeshed in the local struggles and political agendas of elites within these hosts. Periods of turbulent democratic transition and regime instability may encourage host country politicians to challenge the legitimacy and terms of the U.S. basing presence for their own political purposes. These are important lessons for U.S. planners who are simultaneously promoting democratization while they negotiate basing and military access agreements in these same politically volatile hosts.  相似文献   
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