全文获取类型
收费全文 | 119篇 |
免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 6篇 |
工人农民 | 1篇 |
世界政治 | 8篇 |
外交国际关系 | 4篇 |
法律 | 55篇 |
中国政治 | 3篇 |
政治理论 | 46篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 5篇 |
2017年 | 5篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 6篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 9篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2009年 | 3篇 |
2008年 | 6篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 7篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 6篇 |
2003年 | 10篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 4篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有124条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
81.
The article provides an overview of the state of the East German economy after more than ten years of unification. It demonstrates that, contrary to what had been promised in 1990, the situation is far from ‘flourishing landscapes’. We argue that a number of policy mistakes, based in the desire of the then government to maintain electoral support, is responsible for this. In addition, the behaviour of West German labour market participants is held responsible for the dismal record of unemployment in East Germany. Hence, political and distributional conflicts lie at the root of the still present East German problem. 相似文献
82.
83.
84.
85.
Danish politics in the 1970s is characterized by a remarkable increase in electoral fluidity. Increasing political mobility should be seen not as a product of passing and specific events, but as a product of basic societal change. The link between political mobility and some dimensions of social change is discussed theoretically and investigated empirically. The discussion focuses on the joint effects of socioeconomic change and political-institutional change. Some reasons why these changes should lead to increased electoral mobility are stated. The empirical analysis is carried out at the level of municipalities. A positive relationship between various indicators of socio-economic change and political mobility is demonstrated. The relationship is sustained when a control for the effects of social structure is introduced. 相似文献
86.
William J. Rauch Eileen M. Ahlin Paul L. Zador Jan M. Howard G. Doug Duncan 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2011,7(2):127-148
This study investigated, under real-world conditions, whether a statewide 2-year administrative ignition interlock license
restriction program in Maryland was effective in reducing subsequent alcohol-related traffic violations among multiple offenders
and whether any reductions in recidivism could be maintained after the program ended and interlock license restrictions were
removed. A total of 1,927 drivers eligible for relicensure were randomly assigned to either the 2-year interlock license restriction
program or the normal and customary sanctions afforded multiple offenders in Maryland. Recidivism was defined as incurring
a subsequent alcohol-impaired driving violation during the 2-year intervention or 2-year postintervention periods. Compared
to the control group, participation in the interlock license restriction program reduced drivers’ hazard (or risk) of a subsequent
alcohol-impaired driving offense by a statistically significant 36% during the 2-year intervention, 26% during the 2-year
postintervention period, and 32% during the entire 4-year study period. This investigation of interlock program effectiveness
is the first to report significantly lower recidivism among the interlock group than its control group after the ignition
interlock license restriction program ended. Possible reasons for this novel finding and areas for future research are discussed. 相似文献
87.
In recent years, a number of studies have examined the relationship between ethnic fractionalization and democracy – so far with inconclusive results. We argue that the lacking robustness of existing findings is due to a theoretical and empirical misspecification of how ethnic fractionalization may influence the level of democracy. Ethnic fractionalization does have an impact on the regime form because it moderates the well-established positive effect of modernization on democracy. In other words, at low levels of ethnic fractionalization, modernization has a strong positive effect on democratization, but with increasing levels of ethnic fractionalization, the positive effect of modernization decreases. This relationship is documented empirically by using data on 167 countries since 1972. 相似文献
88.
Carsten Anckar 《Democratization》2013,20(2):327-342
The traditional conception of semi-presidentialism stipulates that powers are shared by a popularly elected president and a prime minister, who is responsible to parliament. In recent years, an increasingly popular strategy has become to disregard the power dimension and define semi-presidentialism only with regard to whether the president is popularly elected or not. Based on a principal-agent framework the present study sets out to test the relationship between the mode of election and the powers of the president in democratic republics where the government is dependent on the legislature for survival. Findings indicate that although powerful presidents most often are popularly elected there are also instances where a non-popularly elected president shares executive powers with the prime minister. This makes it difficult to define semi-presidentialism only with regard to how the president comes to power. 相似文献
89.
Martin Baekgaard Carsten Jensen Peter B. Mortensen Søren Serritzlew 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):518-532
A reasonably high turnout is a quality of a local democracy. In this article, we investigate whether media coverage of politics leads to increased or decreased voter turnout. Based on a unique data set, our analysis shows that local news media coverage has a positive effect on voter turnout, but only if the news media provide politically relevant information to the voters and only at local elections. Both findings are in accordance with the Information Model, which states that rising levels of political relevant information increases the probability of voting. 相似文献
90.
Does the mass media affect the dispersion of the policy positions of political parties? In this article it is argued that the mass media polarize parties' policy positions because vote‐seeking strategies are more viable if party policy positions are clearly communicated to the electorate and because a vote‐seeking strategy corresponds with parties taking a distinct policy position away from the median. Hence, the main hypothesis is that party policy position dispersion is larger with more mass media penetration. In order to test this argument, a novel dataset on party positions and mass media penetration in 267 Danish municipalities in 2004 is utilized and a new measure of the dispersion of policy positions in multiparty systems is constructed. The analysis corroborates the article's main hypothesis. 相似文献