全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1521篇 |
免费 | 99篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 101篇 |
工人农民 | 57篇 |
世界政治 | 157篇 |
外交国际关系 | 143篇 |
法律 | 677篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 17篇 |
政治理论 | 445篇 |
综合类 | 22篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 3篇 |
2023年 | 21篇 |
2022年 | 8篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 47篇 |
2019年 | 64篇 |
2018年 | 68篇 |
2017年 | 79篇 |
2016年 | 73篇 |
2015年 | 55篇 |
2014年 | 79篇 |
2013年 | 230篇 |
2012年 | 66篇 |
2011年 | 67篇 |
2010年 | 51篇 |
2009年 | 65篇 |
2008年 | 62篇 |
2007年 | 55篇 |
2006年 | 51篇 |
2005年 | 49篇 |
2004年 | 49篇 |
2003年 | 41篇 |
2002年 | 41篇 |
2001年 | 34篇 |
2000年 | 28篇 |
1999年 | 17篇 |
1998年 | 17篇 |
1997年 | 17篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 25篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 15篇 |
1992年 | 11篇 |
1991年 | 10篇 |
1990年 | 10篇 |
1989年 | 11篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 5篇 |
1986年 | 12篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 3篇 |
1982年 | 5篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 4篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1620条查询结果,搜索用时 195 毫秒
951.
Drawing on theories in organizational sociology that argue that transpositions of people,/ skills, and knowledge across domains give rise to innovations and organizational foundings that institutionalize them, we conducted a mixed-methods study of the employment biographies of staffers working in technology, digital, data, and analytics on American presidential campaigns, and the rates of organizational founding by these staffers, from the 2004 through the 2012 electoral cycles. Using Federal Election Commission and LinkedIn data, we trace the professional biographies of staffers (N = 629) working in technology, digital, data, or analytics on primary and general election presidential campaigns during this period. We found uneven professionalization in these areas, defined in terms of staffers moving from campaign to campaign or from political organizations to campaigns, with high rates of new entrants to the field. Democrats had considerably greater numbers of staffers in the areas of technology, digital, data, and analytics and from the technology industry, and much higher rates of organizational founding. We present qualitative data drawn from interviews with approximately 60 practitioners to explain how the institutional histories of the two parties and their extended networks since 2004 shaped the presidential campaigns during the 2012 cycle and their differential uptake of technology, digital, data, and analytics. 相似文献
952.
Christopher Uggen 《Law & social inquiry》2016,41(2):435-463
In many states, young people today can receive a “blended” combination of both a juvenile sanction and an adult criminal sentence. We ask what accounts for the rise of blended sentencing in juvenile justice and whether this trend parallels crime control developments in the adult criminal justice system. We use event history analysis to model state adoption of blended sentencing laws from 1985 to 2008, examining the relative influence of social, political, administrative, and economic factors. We find that states with high unemployment, greater prosecutorial discretion, and disproportionate rates of African American incarceration are most likely to pass blended sentencing provisions. This suggests that the turn toward blended sentencing largely parallels the punitive turn in adult sentencing and corrections—and that theory and research on adult punishment productively extends to developments in juvenile justice. 相似文献
953.
954.
A review of previous research indicates that people's valuationsof government supplied services are not closely related to theircosts, raising the question of how much people know about thecosts of such goods. Respondents rated the value of governmentand market supplied goods and services and estimated their costsin three studies. The respondents made poor estimates of the percapita costs of supplying government services, and were littlebetter at estimating per capita expenditure on a range of marketsupplied goods (e.g., expenditure on fruit), but they were quiteaccurate at estimating the prices of individual market supplieditems. Rated values of individual market supplied itemscorrelated well with the costs of the items, but rated annualvalues of both government and market supplied goods were moreweakly correlated with their annual per capita costs. The resultssuggests that the inaccuracy in estimating the costs ofgovernment goods might arise because such items do not haveindividual item prices rather than because people generally donot pay for them themselves. 相似文献
955.
Is a trade‐off between the social benefits of regulation and the economic benefits of development inevitable? We argue that environmental regulation may deter economic growth in some contexts, however, in other contexts the benefits of regulation may be obtained with little or no economic loss. We develop an explanation of the economic impacts of state environmental policy based on a model of public influence on private resource allocation decisions. In this model, we assume utility‐maximizing firms will make investment choices based upon the projected profits on their investments and their willingness to accept the risk associated with the investments. We assert that state policies and administrative institutions influence perceptions of risk by increasing or decreasing uncertainty over future environmental policy and influence return on investments at particular locations by affecting firm‐level production costs. Our results confirm that certain administrative arrangements for environmental regulation may enhance, rather than impede, economic development. 相似文献
956.
957.
Christopher J. Fettweis Author Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(3):507-523
Debates regarding the Bush Administration's grand strategy began long before the forty-third president left office. A group of distinguished historians and political scientists have argued over the course of the last few years that the Administration's grand strategy did not represent a major break with historical precedent, as is sometimes argued, but continued the evangelical support for liberty that has always made the United States a “dangerous nation” to tyrants. Along the way, this revisionism creates straw men, and co-opts or redefines terms that are central to the traditional understanding of U.S. foreign policy. It also seems to misunderstand grand strategy itself, focusing almost entirely on continuity of ends while ignoring the rather glaring discontinuities in the ways that generations of U.S. presidents have chosen to pursue them. Overall, the revisionist project fails in both of its tasks, which are: To make the case that the Bush administration took actions of which the Founding Fathers would have understood and approved; and by implication, to justify the unnecessary, tragic war in Iraq. 相似文献
958.
959.
960.