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511.
Craig Geoffrey Scharlin 《亚洲研究》2013,45(3):30-32
AbstractI'm writing this review as a new-found devotee of filmmaker Kidlat Tahimik and as an old friend of Eric de Guia. I say this to lay out my prejudices and at the same time to try to explain my amazement at the transformation of Eric de Guia into Kidlat Tahimik. 相似文献
512.
Evan Michael Berman 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(7):1121-1138
This study examines innovations in local government homelessness policy, specifically, the use of comprehensive and targeted programs. Traditionally, homelessness efforts have focused on emergency assistance, and have not included efforts in homelessness prevention or long-term care responding to the housing, job training and placement, health and mental health needs of homeless persons. In this article, findings are reported from a national survey of local homelessness efforts in cities over 50,000. It is found that 13 percent of cities have adopted the innovation of comprehensive homelessness efforts. Driving forces of this innovation include a broad range of private and public actions, including the use of community-based action strategies, as well as local conditions such as increased domestic violence and the use of emergency shelters. Popular apathy and a lack of city funding are important barriers to the adoption of this innovation. 相似文献
513.
The U.S. Congress created the Small Disadvantaged Business (SDB) and Women‐Owned Small Business (WOSB) programs to promote fairness in government contracting. In this article, the authors examine whether increases in racial and gender representation in federal agencies correlate with the proportion of contract dollars awarded to women‐ and minority‐owned firms. Using the theory of representative bureaucracy as a starting point, they find evidence that increases in passive minority representation result in a larger proportion of contract dollars awarded to minority‐owned firms, which comports with previous empirical research. There is no evidence, however, that female representation leads directly or indirectly to substantive benefits for women‐owned small businesses. Given that the findings for women do not support representative bureaucracy, the authors provide potential alternative explanations. Specifically, they consider gender bias, social identity, and the “queen bee” phenomenon as possible explanations for why women are less inclined to advocate for other women. 相似文献
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Tony Craig 《Intelligence & National Security》2018,33(2):211-226
From the beginning of Northern Ireland’s Troubles, two different strands of British intelligence were developed in Northern Ireland that failed to effectively cooperate or coordinate their efforts with one another. Though central government was aware (and often opposed) the lack of singular control over intelligence in the province, they were unable to wrest control of security intelligence from the hands of the Army and Special Branch. This problem, meant that a Security intelligence ‘stovepipe’ emerged and that this stovepipe operated without reference (and at times in opposition) to policy initiatives also being pursued by the UK government at the time. 相似文献
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This paper focuses on ‘prefigurative politics’ – embodying in the present one's vision of the future – among young people in north India. In so doing it contributes to wider debates on oppositional politics, temporality, India and youth. Building on recent fieldwork in Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh, we highlight the ubiquity of civic-minded everyday forms of prefigurative politics among a subset of young men and young women. We examine the temporality of this politics, which, like other recent prefigurative action across the world, emphasizes acting in the present. Young people in north India tend to view the future not as a point on the horizon but as the precipitate of their daily activities. By identifying the energetic attempts of young people within and beyond India to engage in social action, we also provide a counterpoint to negative stereotypes of youth circulating in the media and some scholarly circles. 相似文献
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Craig Curtis 《New Political Science》2013,35(3):273-289
Noise pollution is an ongoing problem in American cities, and car stereos are a major reason why large numbers of people are unhappy. Citizens are demanding regulation of “boom cars” and the typical policy response is to use the criminal sanction. The behavior is annoying, but hardly morally opprobrious. Despite the best intentions of those who propose such laws, they are potentially a bigger danger to civil liberties than the behavior that they purport to regulate. The enforcement of such laws does little to curb the behavior in question, but may function as a content-based regulation of certain types of music, provides opportunities for racial profiling, and may harm the legitimacy of the government thus reducing its ability to use its police power in areas which are more appropriate for the use of that power. 相似文献
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