全文获取类型
收费全文 | 41篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1篇 |
工人农民 | 2篇 |
世界政治 | 2篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3篇 |
法律 | 23篇 |
政治理论 | 10篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 1篇 |
2013年 | 5篇 |
2012年 | 1篇 |
2011年 | 1篇 |
2010年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 2篇 |
2007年 | 3篇 |
2006年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 1篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1971年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有41条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
11.
A. Claire Cutler 《国际研究季刊》1999,43(1):59-81
This article addresses the problematic nature of "authority" in the global political economy. Focusing on the rules governing international commercial relations, which today form part of the juridical conditions of global capitalism, the location and structure of political authority are argued to be historically specific. They have changed with the emergence of different historic blocs and as a result of consequent alterations in state-societyrelations. The article emphasizes the significance of private corporate power in the construction of the global political economy and hegemonic authority relations. However, the significance of private authority is obscure and little understood by students of international relations. This gives rise to analytical and normative grounds for adopting a historical materialist approach to theanalysis of global authority that incorporates national, subnational, and transnational influences. 相似文献
12.
Conventional wisdom has it that elections other than national ones are “second-order elections,” driven by political conditions in the “first-order” national arena. It has not yet been shown that a sub- or supra-national election can exhibit qualities similar to those of first-order elections. This paper uses the 2003 Ontario Election Study, from a provincial election in extremely decentralized federation, to demonstrate that a sub-national election can be a first-order election. Aggregate evidence shows voters' interest and turnout is comparable to national elections. Individual-level evidence shows vote choice is determined by arena-specific factors. And dynamic evidence shows that this sub-national campaign had its own homegrown events that influenced voters, just as campaign events influence national elections. 相似文献
13.
This study examines the effects of 14 estimator variables (e.g., disguise of robber, exposure time, weapon visibility) and system variables (e.g., lineup instructions, exposure to mugshots) on a number of measures of eyewitness performance: identification accuracy, choosing rates, confidence in lineup choice, relation between confidence and identification accuracy, memory for peripheral details, memory for physical characteristics of target, and time estimates. Subjects viewed a videotaped reenactment of an armed robbery and later attempted an identification. Characteristics of the videotape and lineup task were manipulated. Prominent findings were as follows: identification accuracy was affected by both estimator and system variables including disguise of robber, weapon visibility, elaboration instructions, and lineup instructions. Memory for peripheral details was positively correlated with choosing on the identification task but negatively correlated with identification accuracy. 相似文献
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
Richard W. Cutler 《Planning & Environmental Law》2013,65(4):6-10
The zoning process is subject to steadily expanding volume and variety of demands and criticism. Some wish it, alone, to control the rate and location of growth and bemoan that often zoning is not so used. Others feel that zoning seldom has any rational basis and is applied on a case by case basis with little or no consideration of the existing or proposed capacity to serve the area with sewers, water, schools, parks and the many capital facilities which are an integral part of a community's infrastructure. A few say zoning is often decided on the basis of cronyism or bribery. More often critics say that zoning is decided on emotional issues by “mob rule” and that, in effect, many decisions exemplify democracy at its worst. The timid official yields to the most persistent voices by the developer, neighbors, or environmentalists and often ignores altogether the suggestions of the professional engineers and planners who in theory at least take an objective long-range view of urban development. 相似文献
20.