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201.
202.
Cynthia Radding 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2001,15(1):107-123
The present paper brings to the discussion of human risks and rights an analysis of the gendered spheres of labor that developed in the eighteenth-century mission communities of lowland, eastern Bolivia. It argues that the differential work experiences of men and women, their access to technology and to the rewards of their labor, can be explained only by combining sensitivity to gender issues with a contextual framework that takes into account the environment, cultural expectations, and political economy. This historical case study is situated in Chiquitos, one of the Iberian colonial frontiers established in the ecological borderlands between the Andes and Amazonia. 相似文献
203.
Henry E. Brady Cynthia S. Kaplan 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2000,35(3):56-91
Ethnic identity is a fundamental concept for understanding the dynamics of contemporary political change, but there has been
very little exploration of how to measure ethnic identity and even less discussion of the implications of these measurements
for understanding ethnic conflict. Through an analysis of Estonians and Slavs (Russians, Byelorussians, and Ukranians) in
Estonia, we show that the ethnic identity of different groups is “salient” to different degrees and that this has significant
implications for within-group agreement about political issues and for between-group differences. We show that nominal ethnic
identity fully predicts political attitudes when ethnicity is highly salient because a highly salient ethnic identity sets
in motion forces that cause individuals within a group to form similar attitudes based upon their ethnic identity. These forces
were fully active for Estonians in Estonia in the early 1990s. In this case, nominal ethnic identity was sufficient to explain
the attitudes of Estonians. But ethnicity must be treated as graded when it is not highly salient, as with Slavs in Estonia,
because only degrees of ethnicity can explain the within-group differences in political attitudes that arise because of a
lack of salient identity. Researchers, therefore, should typically treat ethnicity as if it were graded, and they should devise
graded measures of it. Although nominal measures are sometimes appropriate (i.e., when ethnicity is highly salient), they
will cause the researcher to miss something important in other situations. For example, our work suggests that if events discrupt
the social processes that maintain a group’s sense of itself, then a graded measure of ethnicity is useful for predicting
attitudes concerning ethnic identity and survival. In short, it is not categorically wrong to treat ethnicity as nominal,
but it is best to begin by treating it as graded.
Henry E. Brady, Professor of Political Science and Public Policy at the University of California, Berkeley, is co-author ofVoice and Equality: Civic Voluntarism in American Politics andLetting the People Decide: The Dynamics of a Canadian Election. He has also written on elections, referendums, polotical behavior, and political methodology.
Cynthia S. Kaplan, an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science at the University of California, Santa Barbara,
received her Ph.D. from Columbia University and has conducted extensive research in Russia, Estonia, and Tatarstan. She is
the author ofThe Party and Agricultural Crisis Management in the USSR and numerous articles on comparative ethnicity, social movements, and political culture in the former Soviet Union. 相似文献
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Repeated cross‐sectional (RCS) designs are distinguishable from true panels and pooled cross‐sectional time series (PCSTS) since cross‐sectional units (e.g., individual survey respondents) appear but once in the data. This poses two serious challenges. First, as with PCSTS, autocorrelation threatens inferences. However, common solutions like differencing and using a lagged dependent variable are not possible with RCS since lags for i cannot be used. Second, although RCS designs contain information that allows both aggregate‐ and individual‐level analyses, available methods—from pooled ordinary least squares to PCSTS to time series—force researchers to choose one level of analysis. The PCSTS tool kit does not provide an appropriate solution, and we offer one here: double filtering with ARFIMA methods to account for autocorrelation in longer RCS followed by the use of multilevel modeling to estimate both aggregate‐ and individual‐level parameters simultaneously. We use Monte Carlo experiments and three applied examples to explore the advantages of our framework. 相似文献
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Legal Treatment of Cohabitation in the United States* 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Cynthia Grant Bowman 《Law & policy》2004,26(1):119-151
This article discusses the variety of ways state legal systems in the United States treat cohabitation, both by same-sex and heterosexual couples. The different approaches are described along a spectrum that ranges from one extreme, under which cohabitants have essentially no rights against one another or against third parties, to the other extreme, under which cohabitants are to be treated as though they were married under state law. Different areas of law are discussed, including the rights of cohabitants both against one another (remedies upon dissolution, inheritance) and against third parties, such as state benefits, tort claims, health-related benefits, and rights concerning children. The article concludes with speculations concerning why the remedies offered to cohabitants in the United States are so limited, as compared with other countries. 相似文献
210.
This article deals with discretionary decisions made by British immigration officers about whether to detain asylum seekers. It takes as its point of departure the remarkable variety of views and practices reported by front line decision-makers interviewed at British ports (Weber and Gelsthorpe 2000; Weber and Landman 2002). The discussion begins by drawing historical parallels between the pre-Holocaust era and the present day hostility towards asylum seekers, which forms the wider context for official decision-making. It notes the failure of structural analyses to account for individual differences in rule-following and draws on theoretical perspectives developed by American social psychologists Kelman and Hamilton (1989) to explore the individual dynamics of conformity and dissent. In the concluding section, theoretical connections are made between the idea of discretionary detention as a crime of obedience, and contemporary discussion about state crime and governmentality. The underlying message of this article is as much a normative as an analytical one. While recognizing the practical limitations of individual conscience, the discussion ends, as it begins, by celebrating the emancipatory potential of dissent in the face of populist policies that sanction harm against targeted groups. 相似文献