Third molar development in a London population of White British and Black British or other Black ethnicity

Population differences in dental development between Black and White ethnic groups have been debated but not previously studied in the UK. Using inappropriate data for dental age estimation (DAE) could lead to erroneous results and injustice. Data were collected from dental panoramic radiographs of 5590 subjects aged 6–24 years in a teaching hospital archive. Demirjian stages were determined for left-sided teeth and third molars and data collected regarding hypodontia and third molar agenesis. Third molar development in self-assigned Black British, including other self-assigned Black ethnicity, was compared with that of self-assigned White British subjects. Data were compared for males and females in the two ethnic groups using T-tests for Demirjian Stages A–G of third molar development and Mann-Whitney tests for Stage H once a cut-off age at the maximum age for Stage G had been imposed. Third molar development occurred earlier in subjects of Black ancestry compared to those of White ancestry. While both ethnic groups showed large age ranges for every third molar stage, in female subjects these generally occurred at least 1.5 years earlier, and in males at least one year earlier. Hypodontia and third molar agenesis were more prevalent in White British, but the ethnic difference in third molar development persisted in subjects with complete dentitions. This is a large study that confirms ethnic differences in a London population, emphasises the difficulties of establishing the 18-year-old threshold using DAE, and confirms the risk of overestimating the age of individuals of Black ethnicity using White ethnic reference data.     

Tax exporting,federal deductibility,and state tax structure

This paper studies the interaction between the federal and state tax systems during the 1980s and, in particular, considers how the Tax Reform Act of 1986 affected state tax structure. Using a panel data set on state governments over a nine-year period, I estimate tax share equations for six categories of taxes. I find that the state personal income tax is sensitive to changes in its tax price, but find a much smaller sensitivity to changes in tax prices for the general sales tax. I then consider various reasons why the sales tax does not exhibit a sensitivity to changes in tax price and consider the implications of these results for policymakers. The regression results suggest that different income groups are concerned with different tax instruments. Moreover, the results motivate a possible benefit approach to taxation at the state level. Linking taxes, about which a particular income group is most concerned, to services received by that group might generate additional political support for state tax systems during a time when many states are facing fiscal crisis.     

Whither peacebuilding? A reflection on post-conflict African experiences

Peacebuilding is a key concept in efforts to reconstruct African states emerging from conflicts. At heart, it captures the whole array of activities associated with state-and nation-building in addition to building the foundations for local ownership of these processes. Popularised by the UN Secretary-General Boutros-Boutros Ghali in the early 1990s, peacebuilding has evolved alongside peacemaking and peacekeeping in the reconstruction repertoire. This article suggests that while there is considerable scepticism about the utility of peacebuilding in contemporary conflict resolution efforts, African experiences have, since the 1990s, provided solid lessons to both local and international actors on how to rebuild states, societies, polities, and economies.     

Measuring the impact of value‐for‐money audits: a model for surveying audited managers

Abstract: The practice of value‐for‐money legislative audits was conceived to improve the management of public programs by making it more economical, more effective, and more efficient. To what extent have auditors general achieved this objective in the past twenty‐five years since the inception of the value‐for‐money audit (VFMA)? The literature on VFMA has been silent on its actual impact on public administrations. This article examines the impact VFMAS have had on the management of organizations in the government of Quebec based on a new survey model of inquiry. Of the variables measured were the value VFMAS bring to the organizations audited; the relevance of the recommendations formulated by the auditors; the deterrent of potential audits on public‐sector managers; the changes that occurred in the audited organization's management practices and in its relations with its stakeholders; the ways in which the auditors' report has been useful to the auditees; the concrete actions taken following VFMAS; and, finally, the organizational and personal consequences of the audits. Sommaire: La vérification législative de l'optimisation des ressources (VOR) est une pratique qui a été conçue pour améliorer la gestion des programmes publics en la rendant plus économique, plus efficace et plus efficiente. Dans quelle mesure les Vérificateurs généraux ont‐ils atteint cet objectif au cours des vingt‐cinq années qui ont suivi l'avènement de cette pratique? La recherche sur la VOR a passé sous silence l'impact réel de cette pratique sur les administrations publiques. Le présent article examine l'impact des VOR sur le managerisme des organismes du gouvernement du Québec d'après un nouveau modèle d'enquête. Les variables mesurées étaient les suivantes:la valeur que les VOR apportent aux organismes vérifiés; la pertinence des recommandations formulées par les vérificateurs; l'effet dissuasif de vérifications potentielles sur les gestionnaires du secteur public; les changements intervenus dans les pratiques de gestion de l'organisme vérifié et dans ses relations avec ses parties prenantes; la manière dont le rapport des vérificateurs a été utile aux entités vérifiécs; les mesures concrètes prises à la suite des VOK; et enfin, Ics conséquences organisationnelles et personnelles des vérifications.     

Childhood Sexual Abuse and Intimate Partner Violence among Women in Methadone Treatment: A Direct or Mediated Relationship?

Women in substance use treatment report rates of childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence that far exceed those reported by women in the general population. Previous research with nonrandom samples of women in substance use treatment suggests that there is a statistically significant relationship between childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence; however, little is known about the mechanisms of risk between these two public health concerns among this population of women. To address this gap in knowledge and to inform intervention strategies, this study examined direct and mediated relationships between childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence risk among a random sample of 416 women in methadone treatment. In addition to high rates of childhood sexual abuse (57.9%), intimate partner violence (lifetime prevalence, 89.7%; 6-month prevalence, 78.4%), posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD, 28.6%), and global psychological distress (19.5%), findings suggest that the relationship between childhood sexual abuse and intimate partner violence is mediated by mental health problems and that women experiencing PTSD or global psychological distress are 2.7 and 2.4 times more likely to experience intimate partner violence than women without such experiences, respectively. Although not a mediator in this relationship, financial independence reduced women's risk of partner violence by two-thirds. The paper includes discussion of social learning and stress and coping theories to explicate the findings and to inform intervention strategies. This study is based, in part, on the first author's dissertation. A previous version of this paper was presented at the Society for Social Work and Research Annual Conference held in January 2005 in New Orleans, Louisiana. The following grants provided funding for this study: R01DA11027 and 3T32MH014623-22S1.     

Why So Few (Republican) Women? Explaining the Partisan Imbalance of Women in the U.S. Congress

This article examines why the percentage of Democratic women in Congress has increased dramatically since the 1980s while the percentage of Republican women has barely grown. The central claim is that ideological conformity with the party influences the decision to run for office, and I suggest that partisan polarization has discouraged ideological moderates in the pipeline from pursuing a congressional career. The findings have gendered implications because, first, Republican women in the pipeline have historically been to the left of their male counterparts, and second, there is a dearth of conservative women in the pipeline.