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271.
可持续的资本主义是否可能? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
目前,资本主义国家的可持续发展模型存在一系列问题。如果我们错误地寄希望于资本主义,其结果虽然不会是世界的终结,但肯定会出现大规模的、反复出现的环境危机及巨大的全球性灾难。这就需要对资本主义进行结构性替代,需要实行包括企业民主制、商品和服务的市场化、投资的社会管理三种基本制度在内的“经济民主制”。这种民主制经济既是工作领域的民主化,也是金融领域的民主化。它更利于可持续性发展,也会比资本主义更为平等、稳定和民主,是对资本主义的超越。 相似文献
272.
Charles David Freilich 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(2):359-376
The percentage of Israelis killed by terrorism is higher than in any other democracy. The article analyzes the threats Israel has faced, the impact terrorism has had on Israel, and the counter-terrorism policies Israel has adopted. Terrorism has had a decisive effect on Israeli elections and national security decisions, but not the economy. Israeli counter-terrorism has often been conducted without a coherent overall policy, has failed to reflect and conflicted with broader objectives, and has greatly undermined Israel's international standing. Conversely, it has enabled Israel to live in relative security and thrive, and provided its leaders with the latitude to pursue various policies, including peace, should they wish to do so. 相似文献
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David W. Mushinski 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):88-112
Economists have sought to identify institutions which might fill the gap in household access to credit arising from rationing by formal lenders. Credit unions have been identified as institutions which might use informational and monitoring advantages to fill that gap. Using information on household perceptions of their access to credit, this article analyses the impact of certain credit unions on the access to credit of households in Guatemala. Regression results indicate that credit unions serve markets unserved by formal lenders and that information on household perceptions of their access to credit is important in making inferences about lender lending activities. 相似文献
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David Bayliss 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):89-92
Since the early 1990s, reports on topics ranging from neighbourhood renewal and low demand to social exclusion have highlighted the damaging effects of anti-social behaviour. Local authorities are urged to develop a 'holistic' response to anti-social behaviour. Recent research into the effectiveness of legal remedies reveals a tension between attempts to address the underlying causes of anti-social behaviour and the government's emphasis on legal action to control and punish perpetrators. Drawing on this research, the article examines why many landlords are still evicting perpetrators rather than dealing with the underlying causes of their behaviour. The article concludes by outlining the barriers that landlords and other agencies must overcome in order to develop a holistic approach to the problem. 相似文献
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David Lefkowitz 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2016,10(4):657-675
How should the judge or jury in a just criminal court treat a civil disobedient, someone who performs a conscientiously motivated communicative breach of the criminal law? Kimberley Brownlee contends that all else equal a court of law should neither convict nor punish such offenders. Though I agree with this conclusion, I contend that Brownlee mischaracterizes the nature of the criminal defense to which civil disobedients are entitled. Whereas Brownlee maintains that such actors ought to be excused for their criminal breach, I argue that they ought to enjoy a justification defense. Acts of civil disobedience are not (morally) wrongful violations of the law for which an actor ought not to be blamed; rather, they are violations of the law that are not (morally) wrong in virtue of their illegality. It is the absence of wrongdoing, and not merely the absence of fault, that renders the conviction and punishment of those who perform acts of civil disobedience inappropriate. 相似文献
280.
David McCallum 《Journal of law and society》2011,38(4):604-630
This article considers three different historical events from the point of view of their connections to aspects of the history of liberal political reason: the actions of the British in New South Wales in the early nineteenth century in their claim to sovereignty over Indigenous lands; the establishment of Aboriginal missions and subsequent removal of Aboriginal children in the early twentieth century; and the Northern Territory Emergency Response and suspension of the Australian Commonwealth Racial Discrimination Act (1975) early in the twenty‐first century. The aim is to point to gaps between present claims about liberalism and ‘actual existing liberalism’, review the basis for examining accounts of governance deploying ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and ‘race war’ as central concepts, and call into question the Northern Territory campaign as an ‘exceptional’ event. 相似文献