Forensic Terrestrial Photogrammetry from a Single Image

Abstract:  Forensic terrestrial photogrammetry is one of the most valuable and low-cost resources of spatial data available today. Due to the ephemeral crime scene characteristics, these photographs can often capture information that is never to be seen again. This paper presents a novelty approach for the documentation, analysis, and visualization of crime scenes for which only a single perspective image is available. The photogrammetric process consists of a few well-known steps in close-range photogrammetry: features extraction, vanishing points computation, camera self-calibration, 3D metric reconstruction, dimensional analysis, and interactive visualization. Likewise, the method incorporates a quality control of the different steps accomplished sequentially. As a result, several cases of study are presented in the experimental results section in order to test their viability. The full approach can be applied easily through the free software, sv3DVision, which has been evaluated by a number of police officers, forensic scientists, and forensic educators satisfactorily.     

Don’t Call it Climate Populism: On Greta Thunberg’s Technocratic Ecocentrism

The growing popularity of Greta Thunberg has led an increasing number of pundits and scholars to consider her message to be an instance of ‘climate’ or ‘environmental’ populism. Following a qualitative content analysis of key speeches by the young activist, this paper challenges this view, and argues that her message is far from being a case of populism. On the contrary, it abides by a substantially different set of ideas that can be defined as technocratic ecocentrism. In particular, it is argued that rather than people-centrism, anti-elitism and vox populi, Greta Thunberg’s message is grounded on three different core ideas: ecocentrism, technocracy, and on the exaltation of the vox scientifica. However, whereas Thunberg’s technocratic ecocentrism is at odds with the foundations of the populist set of ideas, it shares a similar emphasis on monism, moralisation, a Manichean vision of the world, a critique of key features of the metapolitical status quo, and a tendency to personalisation.     

Desirable and undesirable migrants. Disease,eugenics, and discourses in modern Buenos Aires

Immigration was a central feature in the making of modern Buenos Aires. Elites celebrated the massive presence of immigrants but also voiced concerns about the arrival of certain groups perceived as potentially dangerous to the making of a healthy, modern “Argentine race.”Eugenic discourses rationalized those concerns around the idea of desirable and undesirable immigrants. People with tuberculosis were part of the latter. These discourses, however, were merely discourses, either not implemented in practice or mostly inconsequential. This article underlines the importance of being cautious when historical narratives of eugenics are only based on discourses.     

Social modeling in the transmission of suicidality

Evidence from twin, adoption, and family studies suggests that there is strong aggregation of suicidal behaviors in some families. By comparison, the role of social modeling through peers has yet to be convincingly established. This paper uses data from four large studies (the WHO/EURO Multicentre Study on Suicidal Behaviour, the WHO/SUPRE-MISS, the CASE study, and the Queensland Suicide Register) to compare the effects of exposure to fatal and nonfatal suicidal behavior in family members and nonfamilial associates on the subsequent suicidal behavior of male and female respondents of different ages. Across all studies, we found that prior suicidal behaviors among respondents' social groups were more important predictors of suicidal behavior in the respondents themselves than previous research had indicated. Community-based suicide attempters in the WHO SUPRE-MISS had higher rates of exposure to prior suicide in nonfamilial associates than in family members. In an adolescent population, exposure to prior fatal suicidal behavior did not predict deliberate self-harm when exposure to nonfatal suicidal behavior (both familial and social) were controlled for, but exposure to nonfatal suicidal behaviors in family and friends was predictive of deliberate self-harm and suicide ideation, even after controlling for exposure to fatal suicidal behavior. The potential impact of "containment" of information regarding suicidal behaviors as a prevention initiative is discussed, in light of information behavior principles of social marketing.     

Healing through Action? The Political Mobilization of Victims of Al Qaeda-Inspired Violence in Spain and the United Kingdom

Spain and the United Kingdom have experienced similar types of political violence. Since the 1960s, both countries have suffered casualties as a result of long-standing ethno-nationalist conflicts as well as terrorist attacks by Al Qaeda–inspired groups. In spite of these similarities, the two countries display a striking variation in the attitudes to victims. In Spain, Associations of Victims of Terrorism have been highly visible and influential, whereas United Kingdom-based organizations have not captured the public's imagination and the attention of policymakers in the same way. Spanish associations of victims have been present in the public sphere and have routinely provided their opinions on counterterrorist policy and appropriate government legislation whereas this sort of political activity is difficult to trace in the United Kingdom. As a result of this puzzle, the article tries to answer the following question: Why are associations of victims of terrorism by Al Qaeda–inspired attacks more influential in Spain than in the United Kingdom? The article will argue that political and sociocultural variables account for the difference. More specifically, the article demonstrates that the experience of both ethno-nationalist and jihadist political violence has affected party systems and cultural frames differently, hence providing distinct sets of political opportunities for victims’ associations to carry out their lobbying strategies.     

The contribution of university research to the growth of academic start-ups: an empirical analysis

The aim of this paper is to analyze empirically under which circumstances the universities located in a geographical area contribute to the growth of a special category of local new technology-based firms (NTBFs), those established by academic personnel (academic start-ups, ASUs). We examine the effects of a series of characteristics of local universities on the growth rates of ASUs and we compare them with the effects of the same university characteristics on the growth of other (i.e., non-academic) NTBFs. In the empirical part of the paper, we estimate an augmented Gibrat law panel data model using a longitudinal dataset composed of 487 Italian NTBFs observed from 1994 to 2003. Out of these NTBFs 48 are ASUs. The results of the econometric estimates suggest that universities do influence the growth rates of local ASUs, while the effects on the growth rates of other NTBFs are negligible. In particular, the scientific quality of the research performed by universities has a positive effect on the growth rates of ASUs; conversely the commercial orientation of research has a negative effect. These results indicate that universities producing high-quality scientific research have a beneficial impact on the growth of local high-tech start-ups, but only if these firms are able to detect, absorb, and use this knowledge. In this perspective, a greater commercial orientation of university research leading to a reduction of the knowledge available for absorption by these companies, can be detrimental.     

Civic Citizenship Reintroduced? The Long‐Term Residence Directive as a Post‐National Form of Membership

This paper presents how the Long‐Term Residence Directive has created a status that can be considered as a subsidiary form of EU citizenship. This key revolution has been operated by EU law since this status escapes direct control by Member States that are obliged to grant EU long‐term residence and the rights associated with it to third‐country nationals (TCNs) fulfilling the conditions in the Directive. This represents a fundamental development and may be distinguished from the acquisition by TCNs of national/EU citizenship, which constitutes a prerogative of State sovereignty. Indeed, the recent cases by the Court of Justice analysed below confirm this truly post‐national form of membership and have profound implications for the relationship between borders, territory and population in the EU.     

Voting Advice Applications and Electoral Participation: A Multi-Method Study

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) help users casting a vote by offering an explicit ranking of viable options. The wide amount of readily available information provided by VAAs to users has been shown to contribute to reducing the transactional costs involved in gathering relevant political information. Available evidence also supports the idea that VAA users are more likely to cast a ballot in elections as a result. The extent to which electoral participation is caused by using a VAA, however, remains unclear. Against this background, we reassess the mobilizing effect of VAAs by means of a multi-method approach. Our cross-sectional analysis of 12 national election study data sets provides further support to the idea that VAA usage increases users’ chances of casting a ballot in elections as compared to non-users. This conclusion is strengthened by the results of a randomized field experiment conducted in the context of the 2013 Italian parliamentary election.     

Capital Accumulation,Hegemony and Socio-ecological Struggles: Insights from the ENTITLE Project

This special issue presents findings and reflections of scholars who participated in the European Network of Political Ecology (ENTITLE). By mobilising conceptual frameworks from several strands of Marxist and post-structuralist theory—and empirically engaging with a range of historico-geographical processes—the articles in this issue contribute to debates in political ecology in two main ways. First, they critically analyse the political economy and ecology of contemporary capitalism, with an emphasis on accumulation strategies associated with the uneven expansion and crisis of neoliberalism. Specifically, they unpack and critically extend the frameworks of “accumulation by dispossession” and “nature's neoliberalisation” to engage with, among other cases, the political ecology of “austerity” in Southern Europe; historical and contemporary cases of “capital-driven disasters”; and political ecological dynamics taking place around relationships of “rent”. Second, the authors of this special issue analyse new and re-emerging forms of socio-ecological resistance and contestation, including both distributional struggles and movements against “commons' enclosures”. Moreover, they focus on how struggles can (and do) move from contesting capitalist forms of dispossession towards creating alternative “hegemonic” projects and blocs, by critiquing received “common sense” and constructing and performing alternative political ecological imaginaries informed by principles of solidarity and “commoning”. Taken together, the articles in this special issue present new ways of thinking and enacting political and ecological struggles outside established scholarly traditions and conventional disciplines.