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161.
The Korean heavy industry (HCI) drive has been criticised for the misallocation of capital and for negative spillover effects on growth, inflation, the current account and debt. However, such criticism places too much blame on HCI for the late ‐ 1970s' economic deterioration and gives HCI insufficient credit for the subsequent economic rebound. Korean HCI was a catch‐up exercise which attracted cheap foreign capital to accelerate structural change. Nevertheless, the mid‐1970s' decision to pursue HCI as a Big Push was flawed since it did result in project bunching that strained implementation capacity, despite the safeguards which Korea built into its HCI strategy. 相似文献
162.
Robert Elliot Fox Vijayan K. Pillai Roberta Ann Dunbar Leonard Ngabo Lutaaya Jan Hogendorn Dirk Kohnert 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(1):197-253
Throughout the twentieth century, the city of Khartoum was the subject of analyses and knowledge produced by diverse actors, such as scholars, urban planners, government agents and institutions, urban dwellers and, more recently, actors from the humanitarian and private sectors. The aim of this article is to offer a critical analysis of Sudan urban studies from the 1970s onwards, and to illustrate their strengths and shortcomings. A revisitation of the work of anthropologist Richard Lobban on Tuti Island, where I recently conducted ethnographic fieldwork, will allow me to comment on Marxist anthropology as the theoretical framework used by Sudanist scholars in the early decades of urban studies, to focus on methodological strategies for data collection, and to analyse the use of concepts such as “urbanisation” and “community”. These reflections will be used to suggest a research agenda for urban studies in Sudan, as well as recent academic approaches to the treatment of the urban question. 相似文献
163.
Dirk Leuffen 《West European politics》2013,36(6):1140-1160
This article analyses French European policy-making in the context of divided government, arguing that in the area of European policy-making cohabitation increases the number of veto players, as compared with unified government. The increase of veto players, in turn, reduces France's acceptance-sets at the European table and thereby introduces a status quo bias. In order to test this theory, use is made of a comparative case study design. Process-tracing and counterfactual analyses reveal that veto player theory can, indeed, be applied to the interactions of a split-executive government. 相似文献
164.
Ravi Bhavnani Karsten Donnay Dan Miodownik Maayan Mor Dirk Helbing 《American journal of political science》2014,58(1):226-245
How does segregation shape intergroup violence in contested urban spaces? Should nominal rivals be kept separate or instead more closely integrated? We develop an empirically grounded agent‐based model to understand the sources and patterns of violence in urban areas, employing Jerusalem as a demonstration case and seeding our model with microlevel, geocoded data on settlement patterns. An optimal set of parameters is selected to best fit the observed spatial distribution of violence in the city, with the calibrated model used to assess how different levels of segregation, reflecting various proposed “virtual futures” for Jerusalem, would shape violence. Our results suggest that besides spatial proximity, social distance is key to explaining conflict over urban areas: arrangements conducive to reducing the extent of intergroup interactions—including localized segregation, limits on mobility and migration, partition, and differentiation of political authority—can be expected to dampen violence, although their effect depends decisively on social distance. 相似文献
165.
A. Dirk Moses 《Citizenship Studies》2011,15(2):145-159
The burgeoning literature on transitional justice, truth commissions, reconciliation and official apologies tends to ignore the conditions of settler states in which ‘reconciliation’ needs to take account of indigenous minorities. The settler colonialism literature is worth including in the general discussion because it is exceptionally reflective about political theory (the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights) and ethnogenesis (the origin and viability of both settler and indigenous identities), challenging mainstream liberalism, in particular, to account for difference beyond platitudes about multiculturalism. This article highlights the postcolonial critiques of the Australian governments' apology to the indigenous peoples of the country. The authors of these critiques seek to protect indigenous alterity from the Australian state, which they regard as irredeemably colonialist, especially in its liberal and progressive mode. The article suggests that Indigenous political agency transcends the resistance/co-option dichotomy presented in much of the apology's commentary. 相似文献
166.
Ethnic differences in violent behavior can be found in official crime statistics, as well as in surveys on juvenile delinquency. To explain these differences, research mainly focuses on factors like parental violence, violence legitimizing norms of masculinity, or socio-economic status. Little research has examined the role of friendship network's ethnic composition on ethnic differences in violent behavior, although different sociological and criminological theories suggest that the composition of friendship networks can play an important role for attitudes and behavior of its members. Using data of a survey conducted in 2006 among all ninth-grade pupils in Hanover (Germany), we investigated the influence of friendship network's ethnic composition on violent behavior in general, and on ethnic differences in violent behavior in particular. Due to the specific sampling procedure, it was also possible to look for neighborhood effects both on (ethnic differences in) juvenile delinquency and friendship network composition. Findings indicate that there are significant differences in the network composition across the ethnic groups. After controlling for these network characteristics, ethnic differences in violent behavior disappeared. Furthermore, the results show that the friendship network's ethnic composition also depends on community characteristics. 相似文献
167.
There are different techniques for the restoration of erased markings in metals. Non-destructive methods are generally preferable. The only frequently used non-destructive method is the magnetic technique. The different kinds of magnetic restoration methods are discussed in the article. In the experiments described, the applicability of magneto-optical methods for the restoration of obliterated markings was examined. The results show that the methods are suitable and the required equipment does not cause high expenses. 相似文献