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Douglas W. Jaenicke 《政治学》1998,18(3):141-149
Recent scholarship has documented the increased cohesion and influence of the congressional parties. In this new context, the status of the government as either unified or divided should function as an independent variable in determining presidential success rates. Occurring in just such a period, the Bush and Clinton presidencies can be used to test whether presidential success rates vary according to whether the national government is unified or divided. All the relevant data and comparisons confirm the hypothesis. In addition, a comparison of the presidential success rates for Carter and Nixon's first four years indicate that in the preceding period of less cohesive congressional parties there was a much weaker relationship between presidential success and the status of government as either unified or divided. 相似文献
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Ronald John Hy Douglas Feig Robert M. Regoli 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1984,8(2):195-213
Most criminal justice administrators can no longer rely on a single problem solving technique. Consequently, effective administrators
must become familiar with (though no experts in) various techniqes. Linear programming (LP) is a powerful managerial technique
which provides narrow-range solutions to problems in which the impact of key variables is both linear and certain. LP is especially
useful when applied to problems involving the allocation of limited resources. This article discusses a simple how-to appraoach
to LP, which is a mathematical problem solving computation that provides solutions which can be applied under conditions of
certainty. Besides defining the key characteristics of LP, this article illustrates the procedures used to calculate the simplex
method, the most widely used method for calculating a set of LP equations. The simplex method is mathematically efficient
because it considers only the best solutions with a minimum number of solutions computed. Once the solution is computed, it
is relatively easy to interpret the computer output. 相似文献
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Douglas L. Murray 《政策研究评论》1985,5(2):214-219
The logic of policy analysis in Grover Starling's critique of my article was but a vehicle for his real concern, which is a scathing attack on the Nicaraguan revolution. His criticism that I didnlt use comparative data confuses levels of analysis since my study does not focus on the national level. His argument about the contras not operating in the cotton region fails because the Sandinistas were active and successful there. tie also is mistaken in equating contra aggression with the activity of the Sandinistas against the people of the Atlantic Coast; Sandinistas have committed little in the way of human rights violations. The contras are not llrebels" but really dominated by followers of Somoza. The need for honest and open dialog about Nicaragua is not served by Starlingls veiling of his political agenda within a methodological analysis. 相似文献
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Duncan Webb 《International Journal of the Legal Profession》2005,12(2):261-290
This paper asks the question of why, in some cases, a client is precluded from demanding of their lawyer that they act for them and their adversary simultaneously. We accept that in numerous instances a lawyer can act for clients whose interests may diverge (or in some cases do in fact diverge) providing informed consent has been obtained. This paper enquires as to why the line between waivable and non-waivable conflicts is drawn where it is, and examines the theoretical underpinning of the waiver rule and its boundaries. It does so by first looking at the client autonomy argument for allowing waivers. It then turns to explore the paternalistic justifications for rendering a consensual waiver of a conflict inoperative. Finally it looks at those cases where a waiver is not permitted that are left unexplained by paternalism. It argues that paternalism, properly understood, is a legitimate justification for most refusals to accept a waiver of conflict. However, a residual body of cases remain unexplained by paternalism. Those cases are best explained by the propensity of the law and the legal profession to protect its institutional values and interest. 相似文献