Pre-parliamentary backgrounds of Australian major party MPs: effects on representation

Legislative recruitment patterns are an important study in the field of political science, given their consequences for the practice of parliamentary government. The Australian parliament is a bicameral legislature, including a powerful elected upper chamber. This article details the pre-parliamentary party backgrounds of Australia's two major parties, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Liberal/National Party coalition (LNP) in the 39th Australian Parliament (1998–2001). It is hypothesised that the pre-parliamentary backgrounds of Upper House major party MPs are dominated by central party experience, while the party experience of Lower House MPs is more significantly localised. It is further hypothesised that these differences in pre-parliamentary backgrounds will remain constant when the respective parties are evaluated individually. This appears something of a paradox given that one would expect central party activists to prefer a legislative career in the lower house, affording them greater ministerial opportunities. The causes of such deviations from expected background distributions amongst legislators is explored. Contrary to traditional findings, upper house MPs are highly partisan, performing functionary roles to assist their lower house colleagues secure re-election. Strong senator partisanship is reflected in the non-parliamentary practice of major party senators. Such partisanship is a consequence of party selection methods, the electoral system and pre-parliamentary party backgrounds, not necessarily the uniquely powerful Australian Senate. It is therefore significant in the Australian polity and may have consequences for less powerful and/or unelected upper chambers in other bicameral parliaments.     

Crime prevention strategies by the United Nations: A global perspective

Most of the studies on crime show that no society is immune from crime and organized crime. Large or small, complex or simple, developed or underdeveloped, every society faces the task of controlling crime and organized crime. Furthermore, recent events reveal that the so‐called ‘'domestic crime'’ has become more globalized, or internationalized. Unless dramatic changes take place, collectively, e.g., by the United Nations, no single nation can expect to control or regulate illegal activities. In particular, crime prevention and criminal justice has been a long standing agenda item of the General Assembly and the Economic and Social Council; the two principal legislative bodies governing the United Nations program of work in the criminal justice field. The Council is, after the Assembly itself, the major legislative and policy‐making organ of the United Nations. The field of criminal justice is an important component of social and economic affair, the Economic and Social Council determines policy and initiates activities. Within the United Nations system, the most direct responsibility for international efforts toward crime prevention and control is borne by the recently created Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice (which has replaced the expert subsidiary body of the Economic and Social Council, namely, the Committee on Crime Prevention and Control) and the Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Branch. The establishment of the Commission, by the Economic and Social Council in February 1992, ushered in a new era in United Nations involvement in crime prevention and criminal justice. The commitment of the Member States to the prevention of crime and the promotion of justice through strengthened international cooperation has been clearly spelled out in numerous General Assembly and Economic and Social Council resolutions. Those resolutions are indicative of the Member States’ heightened awareness and concern that crime, in its internationalized form, has to be tackled by a multilateral approach including international cooperative measures, and that interdependent efforts are urgently required. The Commission provides a means by which Governments can be directly involved in the determination and supervision of the program of work of the United Nations in crime prevention and can clearly manifest their political will. Its establishment was the result of a long process of review of the functioning and program of work of the United Nations in crime prevention and criminal justice, and was seen as an indispensable condition of a structural reorganization of United Nations activities in this field. For further information on CRIME PREVENTION AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE, and THE UNITED NATIONS COMMISSION ON CRIME PREVENTION AND CRIMINAL JUSTICE, see UN Newsletter, Numbers 22/23, July, l993. Further information on Operational Activities of the Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice Branch since the First Session of the Commission on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice in April 1992 (on Africa, Asia, Eastern Europe Western Europe and North America and Global aspects, see the same documents, pp. 22–26 for more detail.     

Equality,risk and responsibility: Dworkin on the insurance market

The concept of risk occupies centre-stage in debates about individual and social responsibilities and, within a broadly neo-liberal regime, the paradigmatic form of risk management is insurance. Nevertheless analysis of these recent shifts in welfare politics appears curiously disconnected from dominant trends of normative political theorizing. The rise of ‘insurance as government’ and ‘risk management as responsibility and opportunity’ has not obviously been addressed even by prominent liberal political theorists. Similarly the analysts of neo-liberalism have devoted little attention to tracing these concepts through the literature on political theory. This article seeks to remedy this disconnection, by showing how Ronald Dworkin – perhaps the foremost liberal theorist writing today – offers us an account of equality which foregrounds the apparatus of insurance, and represents the management of risk within the welfare system as both an opportunity and a responsibility. Furthermore, his account inherits many of the ambiguities and weaknesses of neo-liberal theory and redeploys them within the political theory of equality.     

我国公立大学组织管理的逻辑基础分析

作为社会组织的一种类型,公立大学具有明显的社会公共性质,但也具有遵循教育客观发展规律的学术本位特殊性质。本文从组织管理的逻辑起点出发发现:学科目录逻辑、问题导向逻辑和单位治理逻辑是我国公立大学组织管理的现实逻辑基础,并可汇集为政治逻辑的综合,这在一定程度上偏离了大学组织学术本位的原则,不利于公立大学按照高等教育发展规律以提升大学的学术创新能力,需要从基于认识论的学术逻辑出发,反思与重构多样性、自组织的学术组织管理及其治理机制,改革相应的管理体制。     

性别角色刻板印象与女性发展的民族学研究

性别角色是民族心理研究中的重要内容,它总是带有明显的社会、文化、民族等的印记。本文就性别角色作了民族学与心理学的分析,本文就性别角色作了民族学与心理学的分析,尤其是对性别角色获得的文化与民族因素、对性别角色刻板印象作以剖析,以期对民族性别角色获得及克服性别刻板印象进行分析研究。     

中德(日)犯罪成立体系比较分析

我国刑法界目前正在进行"犯罪构成体系重构或者完善"的讨论。"重构说"强调应以德国及日本的犯罪成立体系为参照,对源自前苏联的我国通说性犯罪构成体系进行全面改造,而"完善说"对通说体系的态度则以调适修补为基调。因而,站在解说中国问题的立场对德日体系之利弊得失作出评析,便尽显必要。     

宪法修正案的合宪性审查:以印度为中心

为推介中国人民大学法学院博士培养成果,搭建论文品评乃至学术评价之平台,《法学家》自本期起专辟"博文精萃"一栏。该栏目由两部分组成:其一是"论文要旨",由博文作者对其博文进行全面系统而重点突出的介绍,一般宜包括如下要素:博文的体系架构;博文每章节的主要内容;博文的主要特点;博文的主要创新和不足;博文所研究领域的课题展望。其二是"论文评议",可以是答辩委员会的论文审查意见,或者评审专家的点评,具体宜包括如下要素:对论文的总体评价;对论文的体系及各章节的评价;对论文创新的评价;指出论文的不足以及进一步完善的方向。敬请关注并提出宝贵建议。     

掠夺性定价的经济学及法律分析——美国和欧盟的经验与趋势

掠夺性定价一般表现为企业为排挤、制约竞争对手或阻碍竞争对手进入市场而在相当长的一段时期内故意将价格设置于其成本之下。其目的是为将竞争对手逐出市场并随后设定高于竞争水平的价格,以收回前期降价的损失。《中华人民共和国反垄断法》以及其他相关的法律法规都包含了禁止掠夺性定价的规定。然而,对于掠夺性定价中的一些具体问题还没有相应的法制规章提供指引和解读,再加上此类案件法院判决的先例在中国现阶段还属少见,因此,本文将详细讲解近年来美国和欧盟的经济学家、反垄断机构以及法院对此类经典案件(如Wanadoo案等)的审理分析经验与趋势,以供借鉴。