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81.
Two starkly contrasting strategies are discernible in the way local authorities currently approach and go about their regulatory and enforcement responsibilities. On the one hand, a “deterrence” strategy of “pursue and punish” is robustly pursued in many local areas in relation to individuals who infringe and contravene local regulations, notably in relation to “street scene” issues of littering, waste/recycling and materials sorting/separation, smoking in public places, parking, cycling on pavements, feeding pigeons, and so on, while, on the other, a much more positive “compliance” strategy of “counsel and conduce” is widely promoted and pursued in relation to the regulation of standards in local businesses, for example, in relation to public and environmental health/hygiene, health and safety in the workplace, animal welfare, and licensing of premises. Why do local authorities operate with such apparent double standards? Why do comparatively minor infringements by local citizens so frequently result in the summary imposition of fixed penalties (which can be quite punitive for those on low incomes) while at the same time local businesses are mostly treated to a regulatory culture which is much more sympathetic and supportive in promoting compliance with the rules? This article draws on research conducted in different local regulatory settings which illustrates the two contrasting regimes in practice. It presents five propositions which help us to understand and explain the apparent double standards and it concludes by considering the steps that might be taken to ensure a more equitable and consistent local regulatory framework for the future. 相似文献
82.
Securing Hong Kong’s identity in the colonial past: strategic essentialism and the umbrella movement
ABSTRACTThe Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong is the most radical political movement to have taken place in the former British colony since 1967 anti-colonial demonstrations. Using empirical evidence obtained from activists who participated in the Umbrella Movement, this paper explains how Hong Kong’s youth are looking simultaneously to both the past and future to secure their identity in the colonial past even as some hope to achieve ultimate secession from Mainland rule. Racism and anti-Mainland hostilities in Hong Kong are the result of nostalgia and the insurrectionary impulse akin to the millenarianism of social movements founded on suffering and loss that continually seek the recovery of pasts of which they are now deprived. We illuminate how, to young activists, the Umbrella Movement presents hope for a future embedded in the past that remains one the territory and former colony may still aspire toward. 相似文献
83.
Nicole Hickey Eamon McCrory Elly Farmer Eileen Vizard 《Journal of Sexual Aggression》2013,19(3):241-252
Abstract Relatively few studies have compared female and male juveniles who sexually abuse. These studies have reported that while female juveniles with sexually abusive behaviour are more likely to have experienced childhood sexual abuse, they display similar patterns of abusive behaviour. However, to date these findings have not been replicated in a UK sample. The current study compared 22 female and 254 male juveniles, referred to a UK specialist community forensic service, in relation to family environment, maltreatment experience, psychiatric diagnoses and perpetrated abusive behaviour. Consistent with previous studies perpetrated behaviour was similar across genders, but females were significantly more likely to have been sexually victimized as children, at a younger age and by a greater number of abusers. In addition, they were more likely to have been exposed to inadequate sexual boundaries at home. These findings suggest that females and males may follow different pathways to sexually abusive behaviour. 相似文献
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The mental health patient release programs have been proceeding more rapidly than informed judgment could possibly warrant. Public sector mental health care, whether centralized in state hospitals or deconcentrated within residential communities, falls considerably below the standards and practices of private sector care. The accelerated release of former patients has strained the potential for therapeutic community placement. The massive reassignment of patients has been prompted by the goals of: providing for the civic and therapeutic rights of patients; providing knowledgeable and effective treatment; implementing cost savings; and integrating in-patients within a more aware and accepting inclusive society. The structural elements of the assignment process can be examined within the context of a reassignment model in order to identify the informational and program needs for a reasonable release and aftercare process. The present reliance upon salvage of the poorly conceived release programs through ghettoization of ex-patients can only be justified as a mechanism for forcing a wide range of communities to accept long overdue responsibility for their disabled members.Professor of Geography and Urban Planning, Princeton University. Grateful acknowledgement is made to the NIMH (METRO Division) for research support to the Regional Science Research Institute (Philadelphia, Pa.), to the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences for fellowship support during the period this study was undertaken, and to Maurice Rappaport (Agnews State Hospital, Calif.), Harold Baker (Aftercare Services Division, Calif. Dept. of Health), Anthony Mumphrey, Daniel Garr (San Jose State University) and Montye Rivera (Home Care News, San Jose, Calif.) for their assistance in the conduct of this research. 相似文献
89.
This article explores the context within which abortion law and discourse in Northern Ireland must be situated and understood,
relying in part on post-modern insights into the wider and long-term implications of feminists engaging law and by examining
the strategies employed in Northern Ireland around the issue of abortion. In 2001,the Family Planning Association (Northern
Ireland) took legal action to force the devolved government to defend at a procedural level the unequal and uncertain form
of common law abortion regulation for Northern Ireland. The authors examine the strategy of this review as well as the response
of the High Court, suggesting that while it may begin to challenge the legitimacy of abortion law, feminists and pro-choice
advocates must prepare for challenges beyond that, the greatest being the cultural challenge. The courts, legislators and
other public and political institutions(including the Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission and the Northern Ireland Women's
Coalition) consistently explain the law's lack of provision for women with reference to the `pro-life' majority views of Northern
Irish people. The authors question the legitimacy of this claim in a cultural climate of intimidation against the expression
of alternative views. Women will continue to be marginalised and devalued in this debate if the silencing of the pro-choice
community and bodies responsible for protecting human rights is not redressed. A case is therefore made for a reconceptualisation
of the abortion debate from the perspective of women's agency, which, alongside litigation and other strategies, is necessary
to overcome the cultural censure that currently prevents meaningful dialogue.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
90.
Eileen Burgin 《Political Behavior》1994,16(3):319-342
In this paper I examine what influences members viewed as shaping their voting decisions on U.S. strategy in the Persian Gulf in January 1991. Rather than focusing on predictors of votes and the outcomes of members' decision-making processes (the yea or nay votes as in roll-call analyses), I focus on the predominant considerations that members perceived as swaying voting choices. More specifically, drawing on data gathered from interviews with 365 congressional staff people, I show that three influences in particular stand out as significant in the decision-making process on this crisis policy: members' own policy views, supportive constituents, and (for certain groups of members) the president. Thus, while the analysis confirms, in part, the conventional view of legislators' personal policy assessments as the critical influence on foreign and defense policy votes, it also underscores that this influence does not operate in a vacuum.An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 1993 meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association. 相似文献