Why Democracies May Actually Be Less Reliable Allies

Recent research builds on the observation that democracies have more durable alliances to argue that democracies make more reliable allies. This need not be the case. Alliances serve as commitment devices, adding ex ante credibility to states' claims about ex post behavior. Variation in alliance durability must reflect differences in the desirability of formalizing alignments. Put simply, democracies are "most improved" by formal commitments. We offer two related explanations for why democracies might actually be less reliable alliance partners. Information costs for participating in policymaking and the advantages of organized interest groups combined with distributional incentives generated by the periodic turnover of governments may conspire to make informal commitments on the part of democracies problematic. Determining the net effect of democratic virtue and vice is best done empirically. We test alliance reliability by focusing on intervention, rather than on the duration or the number of commitments. Our results suggest that democracies make less reliable allies.     

Negative Life Events and Depressive Symptoms in Late Adolescence: Bonding and Cognitive Coping as Vulnerability Factors?

The objective of the present study was to examine the effects of parental bonding and cognitive coping in the relationship between negative life events and depressive symptoms in adolescence. A sample of 1310 adolescents attending an intermediate vocational education school filled out a questionnaire. Adolescents with a poor parental bonding relationship seemed to be more vulnerable to depressive symptoms in the face of adverse life events than adolescents with more optimal bonding styles. Cognitive coping strategies seemed to play an even more important role. The use of self-blame, rumination, catastrophizing, positive refocusing, and positive reappraisal appeared to be related to depressive symptoms. In addition, self-blame, rumination, and positive reappraisal seemed to have a moderating role in the relationship between the amount of stress experienced and depressive symptoms. Developing prevention and intervention programs aimed at the formation of optimal bonding relationships and teaching adolescents adaptive cognitive coping strategies seems advisable.     

Termination of Danish Government Coalitions: Theoretical and Empirical Aspects

"Termination of government coalitions" is an ambiguous notion. While the concepts of "termination" and "coalition" do not present insurmountable problems. the concept of "governments" is indeed very tricky. Empirical findings on termination of governments are highly dependent upon the definition of government, as shown by a Danish case study of 1945-93. A government is defined on the basis of party composition. It is found that Danish majority coalitions terminate because they lose the first upcoming election. whereas minority coalitions terminate for party strategic reasons. notably decisions made by the pivotal Radical Liberal Party.     

Between knowledge and power: Utilization of social science in public policy making

Most conceptualizations of the linkage between science and politics have traditionally been informed by rationalist concepts of science and decision-making. The result has been a false dichotomy between (legitimate) rational research utilization and (illegitimate) political research utilization. This dichotomy must be overcome, on normative as well as empirical grounds. Scientifically generated knowledge constitutes an important, but on the whole unquantifiable part of the enormous store of knowledge which participants in the politico-administrative decision-making process apply to their practical tasks. To understand the complex interfaces between social science research and the political-administrative decision-making process, it is necessary to be aware that research is transferred to, and becomes part of, a discourse of action, in the philosophical as well as the everyday practical sense — a discourse in which (self)reflecting participants deliberate on and debate norms and alternatives with a view to concrete action. This makes the contribution of science to policy making both less tangible and potentially more influential than is usually assumed.     

More forensic romances: De Clérambault's syndrome in men

De Clérambault's syndrome (erotomania) has invariably been regarded as a female disorder (with male victims); however, a number of recent reports describe male patients with the disorder, especially in violence-prone male offender populations. Seven cases are presented of violence-prone men suffering from the disorder, including Hinckley and Poddar. The syndrome is discussed from a nosological point of view and in terms of its impact on competency to stand trial. Psychiatrists should be aware that the syndrome is not a rarity among men, as previously thought, and that proper diagnosis and management are essential in view of the clinical course of the disorder and the potential for violence when the patient's "love" is persistently unrequited by the delusional love object.     

Varieties of population mobility in relation to development in China

China, in its efforts to effect economic modernization, has come to recognize the need for labor mobility to promote the development of small towns, to develop frontier agriculture, and to provide a tertiary sector in the cities and towns. Of China's 1 billion people (3rd census, 1982), 206 million or 20% of the population lived in 236 cities and 2664 towns. 50% of the urban dwellers were concentrated in the 3 metropolises of Shanghai, Beijing, and Tianjin. On the other hand 30% lived in the 2664 towns, which China wishes to develop. In the past large numbers of people have migrated to the large cities because there they were assured the life-long security of employment in state-owned industries -- the "iron rice bowl." However, China's present policy is to limit the size of big cities, develop medium-sized cities (between 200,000 and 500,000 people), and encourage the growth of small cities. China's 7th Five-Year Plan (1986-1990) calls for a massive movement of the agricultural labor force, not to the cities, but to the towns. To control population movement China instituted the Household Registration System in accordance with which a household must obtain permission to move permanently beyond the local area. Migration from the populous East Coast areas to the underdeveloped Northwest and to the rural impoverished areas of Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai is encouraged. But controlled migration has become more difficult since the decentralization which has accompanied the new economic policies, and the urban population has grown except for the 3 major cities. Moreover, as a result of the new "economic responsibility system" introduced in 1979, many surplus agricultural workers have been absorbed into nonagricultural activities in villages and townships. By the end of 1985, 67 million workers had moved from agriculture to industries, and peasants may now be granted temporary residence permits in towns. The total number of towns increased to 7280 by 1985; however, the new towns are concentrated in the more productive agricultural areas, which can support them. In addition to these more or less permanent migrants, large numbers of temporary migrants have come to the cities as representatives of local businesses, as construction workers, to operate urban outlets for agricultural and industrial products, to provide various services including domestic service, and as itinerant workers. 1986 statistics indicated that 3.21 million people were living as temporary residents of China's top 10 cities. The new economic policy has encouraged the resurgence of private plots and free markets and hence has stimulated the increased movement of peasants to rural markets and to free markets in cities.     

Half-heartedly: Menachem Begin and the establishment of the Likud Party

This article seeks to add another dimension to the growing and extensive research on right-wing Zionism, by returning to an era when the Likud was first created. I will examine the major difference between processes that have led to the two key landmarks in the formative years of the Right in Israel: the establishment of Gahal in April 1965 and the founding of the Likud in August–September of 1973. While Gahal's establishment was a product of a prolonged, determined, patient and conscious effort on the part of Menachem Begin, the establishment of the Likud was, to a considerable degree, forced upon him. Those who were interested in expanding Gahal and creating an alignment of centre-right parties were actually the factors outside Herut, while Herut's more veteran leadership disapproved of these attempts. Within the Herut Movement, the voices that called for the creation of a broad political alignment were those that came from Herut's ‘internal opposition’, which revolved around Ezer Weizman. The article analyses the reasons behind Begin's reservations about a continued right-wing merger, examines the negotiation process and sheds light on the oscillation in Menachem Begin's ideology and politics between the fundamental and the pragmatic poles.     

Limited Pluralism in a Liberal Democracy: Party Law and Political Incorporation in South Korea

ABSTRACT

Formal modes of political incorporation in South Korea rest on a foundation of limited pluralism. The notion that the state should impose rigid boundaries on political representation pervades the country’s democracy. This notion is enshrined in law – in particular in the constitution’s Article 8 and in the Political Parties Act – and is upheld and perpetuated by the judiciary, the election commission, and the parties that dominate representative institutions. Labour is particularly disadvantaged by the limited pluralism contained in party laws. The role of party law in shaping modes of political incorporation is frequently overlooked. This account of party law in South Korea echoes this issue’s attention to the quiet ways that the state in Asia has silenced or ignored particular groups while maintaining the formal institutions of electoral democracy. In this case, the effect is to facilitate a rightward drift by the state as left-leaning actors face greater challenges in contesting elections.