Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Haram al-Sharif: A Pan-Islamic or Palestinian Nationalist Cause?

The World Islamic Conference, held in Jerusalem in 1931 under the auspices of Hajj Amin al-Husayni and the Supreme Muslim Council, marked a turning point in the Palestinian nationalist struggle as well as in the struggle between the two main factions—the more extremist one led by Hajj Amin and the more moderate Opposition—for control of the Palestinian leadership. The Conference, though co-sponsored by Shawkat ‘Ali and the Muslim Indian Congress, and ostensibly representative of the worldwide community of Muslims, was effectively dominated by Hajj Amin and his Palestinian supporters. Through his control of its proceedings, Hajj Amin was able to redefine the Palestinian nationalist cause as essentially a pan-Islamic one, in connection with the perceived need to defend the Muslim holy sites in Jerusalem against Zionist encroachment. Contrasted here with the World Islamic Conference (and held concurrently with it) is the Second Arab Orthodox Congress. Whereas the World Islamic Conference sought to redefine an issue arguably specific to Palestine as pan-Islamic, the local Christian Orthodox community, in keeping with its desire to Arabise Palestine's Greek Orthodox Church (hence their self-designation as the Arab Orthodox Church in Palestine), sought to redefine what was essentially a religious matter—concerning the succession of the Orthodox Patriarch of Jerusalem—in nationalist terms. It was not simply a matter of differing ideological perspectives; defining the cause of the Haram al-Sharif as a pan-Islamic one also served a political objective, namely the enhancement of Hajj Amin's position vis-à-vis his political rivals. Nonetheless, whatever the motivations involved, this development was a factor in the marginalisation of the Christian Arab component of the Palestinian nationalist movement. Whereas at the start of the British Mandate they had played a role disproportionately large relative to their actual numbers, by its end, their role in the nationalist movement had diminished almost to the point of near inconsequence, as evidenced, for instance, by their marginal involvement in the Arab Revolt (1936–1939).     

Exploring the age of onset and recurrence of childhood animal cruelty: can animal cruelty be learned from witnessing others commit it?

Despite recent research, few studies have examined the specific social contexts in which animal cruelty may be learned. Using data collected from 180 inmates at a medium- and maximum-security prison in a southern state, the authors seek to replicate findings from the Hensley and Tallichet study that examined the potential for the onset and recurrence of childhood animal cruelty to become a learned behavior, specifically in terms of demographic characteristics and childhood experiences with witnessing animal abuse. In the current study, those who were younger when they first witnessed animal cruelty initially hurt or killed animals themselves at a younger age. Respondents who had witnessed a family member hurt or kill animals reported engaging in recurrent animal cruelty and were older when they committed their first act of animal cruelty.     

The predictive value of childhood animal cruelty methods on later adult violence: examining demographic and situational correlates

The present study seeks to replicate Tallichet, Hensley, and Singer's research on childhood animal cruelty methods by using a sample of 180 male inmates surveyed at both medium- and maximum-security prisons in a southern state. The purpose of the current study was to first reexamine the relationship between demographic and situational factors and specific methods of childhood animal cruelty. Second, the correlation between an abuser's chosen method(s) of childhood animal cruelty on later recurrent acts of adult violent crimes was reinvestigated. Regression analyses revealed that respondents who engaged in frequent animal cruelty were more likely to have drowned, shot, kicked, or had sex with animals. Those who had grown up in urban areas and those who did not become upset after abusing animals were more likely to have kicked animals. Respondents who covered up their abuse were more likely to have had sex with animals. Sex with animals was the only method of childhood animal cruelty that predicted the later commission of adult violent crimes.     

Introduction

Even before 1865, it was an axiom that British foreign policy was designed and pursued to ensure international stability. Stability not only gave security to the British Isles and to its global Empire; it minimized disruptions to trade and commerce - the life-blood of 'Great' Britain. In the century after 1865, the pursuit of international stability remained at the heart of diplomatic initiatives supported by capable armed forces and a strong economy. The grand strategy by which successive British governments endeavoured to achieve these national and imperial ends involved the maintenance of a balance of power - both in Europe and in the wider world where the protection of British interests in the form of prestige, markets, strategic outposts, and lines of communication preoccupied cabinets, the Foreign Office, the service ministries, other departments of state, and, sometimes, public opinion. In one sense, there were a number of individual balances of power - in Western Europe, in the western and eastern Mediterranean, in the Western Hemisphere, in South Asia, and in the Far East and Pacific Ocean. In the British diplomatic parlance of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, these balances were represented as 'questions', like the 'Eastern Question'; and the answers to these questions combined in the minds of those responsible for British foreign policy as representing a global balance of power. In this context, the European balance of power had decided importance because any continental disequilibrium could imperil the security of the home islands, the centre of the Empire, and the well-being of Britain's people and economy.