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61.
Europ?isches und deutsches Recht setzen neuerdings stark auf eine ausgebaute Biomassenutzung
zur Strom-, W?rme- und Treibstoffgewinnung. Die Biomassenutzung weist eine Reihe ?kologisch-
sozialer Vor-, aber auch Nachteile auf. Das bisherige, aber auch das zur Verabschiedung anstehende neue
europ?ische und deutsche Bioenergierecht l?st diese nicht immer hinreichend auf. Nachhaltigkeitskriterienkataloge
k?nnen diese Rolle auch strukturell nur begrenzt übernehmen, unter anderem weil sie die n?tige
Komplexit?t nicht abbilden, Verlagerungseffekte nicht vermeiden und bestimmte zentrale Aspekte (etwa
das Weltern?hrungsproblem) erst gar nicht abbilden k?nnen; und wenn, dann müssten die Kataloge
über die aktuellen EU-Vorschl?ge hinausgehen. Wirkungsvoller für die Bioenergienutzung selbst
wie auch in der Energiepolitik insgesamt w?re aber eine einschneidende Energieeffizienzpolitik –
die den Gesamtverbrauch senken und damit die ?kologisch-sozialen Ambivalenzen überschaubarer machen
würden, wenn langfristig die erneuerbaren Energien 100% der Versorgung in einer “kohlenstofffreien
Wirtschaft” übernehmen. In Verbindung mit der Analyse der Ambivalenzen bietet der vorliegende
Beitrag zugleich einen kurzen überblick über das Bioenergierecht. 相似文献
62.
Felix Gerlsbeck 《Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy》2018,21(2):218-241
It has proven difficult to reconcile epistemic justifications of political authority, especially epistemic theories of democracy, with a basic liberal commitment to respecting reasonable value pluralism. The latter seems to imply that there can be no universally acceptable substantive outcome standard to evaluate the epistemic reliability of different political procedures. This paper shows that this objection rests on an implausible interpretation of political competence. In particular, the paper defends two claims: first, that epistemic theories of political authority are in fact compatible with a liberal commitment to respecting reasonable pluralism; but second, that if we take reasonable pluralism seriously, the standard of competence we should use is a pragmatic one. Good political decision procedures reliably fix practical problems of social coordination and adapt to new demands and developments; we need not demand that their decisions are all-things-considered just or optimal. This pragmatic account of political competence is compatible with reasonable pluralism, since on this basis we can comparatively evaluate political procedures without controversially asserting a single standard of ‘truth’ in politics. Hence, it is possible to give an epistemic account of political authority that works within a liberal theory of political justification. 相似文献
63.
Abstract: Can a public authority avoid public law requirements, such as an obligation to act fairly, by “contracting out” the performance of its functions? In Société de l'assurance automobile du Québec v. Cyr, the Supreme Court of Canada said “no,” but it did not explain how far the Court will move the boundaries of judicial review to adapt to the growth of the private role in governance. However, there is reason to believe that the Court is moving towards a functional approach in defining state power and the location of the boundary between public and private law. This promises to be more coherent and effective than the piecemeal functional approaches that have emerged in the United States and the United Kingdom. A functional approach will prevent the lines of legal accountability to Parliament, the legislatures, the electorate and the courts from being severed by a contract between a public authority and a private party. At the same time, the emerging functional approach accepts that public law remedies should generally not be available if private law offers an adequate remedy or if applying public law would generate disproportionate costs to efficiency or would damage other public law objectives or private interests. 相似文献
64.
Felix Vicat 《亚洲事务》2013,44(2):272-276
Two separate trips to Sri Lanka provided the material for this brief examination of the reasons for the unexpectedly swift final defeat of the Tamil Tigers, whose ruthless methods had enabled them to resist for so long. But external fundraising was so successful that over time the priorities of the external contributors came to weigh over those of the Tamils in the North on whom the Tigers relied for their support and recruitment. The state they set up to sustain their campaign was none-too gentle. After 9/11, external funding was dramatically curtailed and this, combined with Chinese support and a crisis of recruitment set the stage for the final assault by the Sri Lankan army. 相似文献
65.
Felix Ciută 《European Security》2013,22(1):51-78
Abstract This article examines critically one of the most active regional dynamics of European security, centred on the Black Sea. Recently, the Black Sea region has received increased attention from a variety of political actors, who seek to increase the profile of the region in order to develop a common regional identity and an integrated approach to the security problems of the Black Sea region. This resurgence of the Black Sea region can be understood as the combined product of local interests, European integration and the ‘global war on terror’. The main argument of the article is that Black Sea security integration is characterised by a fundamental contradiction between two different logics of security—geopolitical and institutional. Three other problems—transposition, fragmentation, and duplication—are also discussed. In the conclusion, the article examines the significance of the efforts to build the Black Sea region for the future of regional integration in European security. 相似文献
66.
Reber Ueli Fischer Manuel Ingold Karin Kienast Felix Hersperger Anna M. Grütter Rolf Benz Robin 《Policy Sciences》2022,55(2):311-335
Policy Sciences - The effective conservation and promotion of biodiversity requires its integration into a wide range of sectoral policies. For this to happen, the issue must receive attention... 相似文献
67.
68.
Felix Kanungwe Kalaba Claire Helen Quinn Andrew John Dougill 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2014,14(2):181-198
There is increasing international demand by policymakers focussed on Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and forest Degradation for developing countries to conserve forests in the face of pressure from agriculture and energy demands. Improving forest conservation efforts requires a better understanding of how policies influence forest resources management, hence a need for better analysis of policy coherence and interaction. This study employs a content analysis of national sectoral policies in agriculture, energy and forestry, and national programmes under United Nations Rio conventions in Zambia to examine coherence and interplay between international- and national-level policies. Results show positive horizontal interplay between energy and forestry policies, while conflicts were observed between the agricultural and forestry policies despite the potential of conservation farming to provide a mutually supportive link. Policy documents show inconsistencies between national sectoral policies and national statements to the Rio conventions. Additionally, although national statements to Rio conventions share common ground on measures to address deforestation, they seem to be poorly mainstreamed into national policies and broader development policies at national level. Findings have further revealed a lack of coherence between national commitments to Rio conventions and national forest legislation. The paper concludes that although developing countries, such as Zambia, are ratifying international environmental conventions, measures are often not drafted into national policies and linkages remain largely superficial. 相似文献
69.
Felix Heiduk 《German politics》2014,23(1-2):118-133
While Germany's ‘Chinapolitik’ under Chancellor Gerhard Schröder was driven by economic interests, Angela Merkel promised a normative turn in foreign policy toward China. This apparent turn became most visible in 2007 when she met with the Dalai Lama, which caused strong diplomatic protest from Beijing. This article asks whether Germany's foreign policy toward China did in fact shift under the leadership of Angela Merkel. Based on cognitive approaches, especially image theory, the perception(s) of China held by Chancellor Merkel and their impact on German foreign policy toward China are analysed. The findings suggest that the dominant image of China is that of a key trade partner on whom Germany's economy is increasingly dependent with little emphasis given to the political or normative discrepancies between the two countries. The article argues that Sino-German relations under Merkel appear to be more one-dimensional than the fall-out over the Dalai Lama issue suggests. 相似文献
70.