Perennial Budget Reform Proposals: Budget Staff versus Elected Officials

This article defines budget reform perennials at the national level as those that reoccur multiple times, with little chance of passage and little change from one iteration to the next. The literature has seldom examined proposals that do not pass or the staff effort that goes into keeping flawed proposals from passing. The article describes the sources of such proposals and what can conceivably be done to lessen the tension they cause. The research is based primarily on qualitative interviews and legislative testimony. Examples of reform perennials include biennial and capital budgeting.     

Ideology,voting, and shirking

Since we first raised the issue in 1979, scholars have addressed two questions regarding ideology and congressional voting. Does ideology have an impact on such voting? Do representatives shirk by voting their own ideology rather than their constituents' interests? For the first question, it appears that there is a consensus that ideology does matter, although we present some confirming evidence for 1980. The second question has been confused; some think that ideology and shirking are identical, although they are logically separate categories. We show that even if ideological shirking exists, it is relatively unimportant. We also show that self interested (non-ideological) shirking exists. We conclude that research efforts to untangle constituents' and representatives' separate ideologies have been misguided and that further efforts to examine the determinants of constituent ideology should be pursued.     

An experimental investigation of the double standard in the perception of international affairs

Eighty-eight male college students evaluated a Vietnam War peace proposal that was attributed to one of four sources (United States, South Vietnam, North Vietnam, Viet Cong) or to no source. The proposal attributed to the United States was evaluated significantly higher than the same proposal attributed to North Vietnam. Enhancement of the United States' proposal contributed most to this double standard effect (i.e., the proposal attributed to the United States was judged significantly more positively than in the no source condition), but derogation of a proposal by the enemy was also a factor (i.e., the North Vietnam—no source differential approached statistical significance). Consistency theory predictions were partially supported. When attributed to the United States' ally, South Vietnam, the peace proposal was evaluated significantly more positively than it was in the North Vietnam condition, but the South Vietnam—Viet Cong comparison was not significant.     

犯罪学的国际比较研究(上)

一、引言一定意义上说，所有的犯罪学研究实质上应当是比较性的。比如，关于一国有记录的犯罪率的涨落等趋势的任何评价或判断都需要与其他国家的数据进行对照检验。许多最初基于一国范围的研究诞生的犯罪理论，后来被引入其他国家或在其他国家得到验证。     

Poland's politics and the travails of transition after 2001: The 2005 elections

As previously, the 2005 election in Poland saw the defeat of the incumbent government, but unlike previous elections, it marked the end of the Solidarity – successor party divide that had characterised Polish politics since 1989. The near simultaneity of parliamentary and presidential election campaigns made the campaigns indistinguishable, and each interacted with the other. Party programmes were similar; transition-related issues dominated the election. Its unexpected victor was Law and Justice (PiS), which sought a radical break with the trajectory of post-communist development and a moral revolution in a new ‘Fourth Republic’. PiS successfully appropriated the welfare mantle of the discredited social democrats and mobilised traditional conservative and religious values. Despite formal plans for a PiS coalition with Civic Platform, the election resulted unexpectedly in PiS's coalition with the radical parties Self-Defence and the League of Polish Families.     

Interdepartmental coordination and northern development

Abstract. This paper examines the relationship of past and current federal structures for northern policy development to existing federal northern policy requirements. Current policy-making machinery, arguably appropriate to an earlier era of northern development, now serves neither the interests of any constituency - native or non-native northerners or the northern resource development industry - nor the national interest. On the basis of a critical analysis of present arrangements, available institutional options for reform are identified and assessed. Far-reaching structural reforms are recommended including the abolition of the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND). Sommaire. Les auteurs de cet exposé examinent le rapport entre les structures fédérales, anciennes et présentes, et les exigences actuelles de la politique fédérale dans le Nord. Le mécanisme actuel de la détermination des politiques, qu'on pouvait justifier à une époque plus ancienne du développement du Nord, nesert plus maintenant ni les intérêrs de groupes particuliers - habitants du Nord, autochtones ou non, industries développant ses ressources - ni l'intérêt national. A partir d'une analyse critique des dispositions actuelles, les auteurs identifient et évaluent les options institutionnelles existantes. Ils recommandent des réformesde grande envergure, dont l'abolition du ministère des Affaires indiennes et du Nord.     

The Economics of the Bill of Rights

We elucidate, connect, and synthesize the literature that employseconomics to study the individual rights and freedoms protectedby the constitutional amendments comprising the Bill of Rights,especially as they relate to crime. Economics is uniquely suitedto studying decisions involving tradeoffs, and each of the amendmentsrequires tradeoffs. Emphasizing these tradeoffs allows us todiscuss the constitutional rights in terms of "more or less,"as opposed to taking an absolutist approach. We find that theeconomic literature on the amendments of the Bill of Rightsis vibrant and growing, and that viewing the amendments withinthe framework of economics is highly useful.