唾液酯酶多态性在个体识别中的应用研究

目的 探讨唾液酯酶（ Set）多态性在法医学亲权鉴定和个体识别方面的应用价值。方法 应用聚丙烯酰胺凝胶盘状电泳及固蓝 RR染色方法,调查了 114名中国人 Set的表型分布及基因频率,用χ 2检验进行统计学分析。结果 中国人酯酶表型频率 Set F 22.81％, Set FS 50.88％, Set S 26.31％ ;基因频率为 SetF 0.482 5, SetS 0.517 5;非父排除机率为 0.187 5,个体识别率为 0.619 9。结论 Set有较高的父权排除率和个体识别率,可作为法医学亲权鉴定和个体识别的重要标记系统之一。     

精神分裂症病人肇事因素分析

就鉴定案例中肇事精神分裂症病人与一般精神分裂症群体、其他肇事精神病人群体的资料进行比较,结果显示：精神分裂症群体的肇事率、凶杀率远高于其他精神病群体;肇事精神分裂症病人的诊治情况明显差于一般精神分裂症群体,且再婚率低,家庭支持系统不力等。提示：加强对精神分裂症病人的社会监管和治疗,是防止肇事行为发生,维护社会治安的积极措施。     

The SEM observation of brain tissues and vascular corrosion cast of closed diffuse brain injuries

The morphologic changes of the closed injured brain of rats were observed by SEM. The rats either died immediately after conclusive injuries or were killed after 5 minutes to 5 days after injuries. The main changes were as follows: the diffuse disorder, twist, wave-like distortion and break of neuron fibers; axonal swelling; formation of axonal retraction balls; stripping and denotation of myelin sheath The ball-like swelling of neuron, break of neuron membrane and vascular wall, and microthrombus formations were also observed. These damages worsened with prolongation of surviving time of the rats. The axonal retraction ball appeared 8 hours after the injury and was approximately 3-5 cm in diameter, and developed to 7-8 cm after 3-5 days. It is observed that frontal lobe, cerebellum and brain stem were severely damaged.     

Decentralization and the post-war political economy

Abstract This paper uses cross–national data for 21 OECD nations to examine whether there is evidence of a connection between measures of political and fiscal decentralization and the major, long–term, performance parameters of the post–war political economy. Findings of what is necessarily an exploratory analysis of a wide range of policy outcomes suggest that federalism and the proliferation of constitutional veto–points have inhibited the expansion of the socially protective state and that a low level of fiscal centralization appears to have restrained post–war inflationary pressures and gone along with higher rates of post–war economic growth. No evidence is found to connect either political or fiscal measures with postwar labour market performance.     

Reconciling cultural diversity with a democratic community: Mestizaje as opposed to the usual suspects

A fascinating development within the liberal‐communitarian debate is how to deal with cultural diversity in increasingly heterogeneous democracies. Particularly noteworthy are Will Kymlicka's recasting of liberalism to deal with cultural minorities, especially the indigenous peoples of Canada and Charles Taylor's and Michael Walzer's articulation of a ‘deep diversity’ with regard to the federal relationship of Quebec to Canada as a whole. Both approaches, though, insufficiently address how combinations of cultures have been underway in the Americas for the past 500 years. Instead, I contend that mestizaje, the combination of cultures which has ensued in Mexico and the United States Southwest, articulates a ‘unity in diversity’ in which cultures transform each other without culminating in assimilation. To bolster my exegesis of mestizaje from the works of the Virgil Elizondo and Gloria Anzaldua, I accent how Jeremy Waldron's cosmopolitanism, Iris Marion Young's relational group theory, and Homi Bhabha's hybridity similarly illustrate how proposals such as Kymlicka's or Taylor/Walzer's insufficiently incorporate how integral heterogeneity is to cultural identity. In view of how ‘the border’ between the United States and Mexico exemplifies the growing intersection of diverse cultures from the developed and developing world, mestizaje offers that the intersection of multiple cultures in collaborative—not hegemonic—relations is intrinsic to realizing democratic citizenship.     

Public or Personal Character in Election Campaigns: A Review of the Implications of the Judgment in Watkins v Woolas

Reviewing the Election Court's decision that a candidate's parliamentary election literature was unlawful under the Representation of the People Act, the Divisional Court held that statements could either be about a candidate's public character or his personal character but not both. Though the legislation was compatible with the ECHR if it penalised only the latter, the question for the courts is really a matter of whether statement impugns a candidate's character more than merely as a necessary implication of an allegation regarding conduct such as the breaking of election promises.