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排序方式: 共有159条查询结果,搜索用时 437 毫秒
81.
A 14-year-old girl was found unconscious in a pool of blood by her mother in the family bathroom. A gynecological emergency operation revealed a state after spontaneous delivery. A few days later the corpse of a newborn, smeared with blood, was found by the father of the girl in a laundry basket in the bathroom. The autopsy revealed signs of blunt force against the cranium as well as multiple lesions caused by sharp force in the area of the neck and the thorax. The newborn died of hemorrhagic shock due to severance of the left subclavian artery. The pattern of injuries is presented. In addition, the girl's statement with respect to the course of events is discussed. Finally, this rare manner of committing neonaticide is compared with former reports in the literature. 相似文献
82.
European Journal of Political Research - 相似文献
83.
Abstract. The ballot structure of German Bundestag elections allows two votes: one for a constituency candidate and the second for a party list. About one-fifth of the voters usually split their ticket. Several hypotheses are derived about incentives for ticket splitting and tested with survey data from a 1998 pre-election poll. We argue that an explanation of split tickets in the German system has to take into account both party rankings and coalition preferences. One of the most important incentives is a preference or top ranking of a minor party like the FDP or Greens, if it is combined with a preference for a coalition with either the CDU/CSU or SPD. Contrary to this finding, the hypothesis of threshold insurance voting of CDU/CSU or SPD supporters choosing the party list of their prospective minor coalition partner is rejected for the 1998 election. 相似文献
84.
85.
As fatal trauma to the neck is often associated with short survival times, proof of vitality may often be difficult using standard histochemical techniques. Soft tissue neck injuries resulting from strangulation by ligature or manual strangulation were examined immunohistochemically using antibodies to myoglobin, fibronectin, C5b-9 and MRP14, and compared to controls consisting of accidental soft tissue neck injuries as well as undamaged neck soft tissue. Although survival times in the study and control groups were unknown and certainly some individual variation may be expected in the time course of normal wound development, both the study and control groups demonstrated similar time courses in the immunohistochemical detection of antigen. Myoglobin was always found in those samples in which only one antigen was shown to be involved in an injury-specific pattern; myoglobin and fibronectin were found in samples with dual antigen involvement. Samples involving three antigens always included C5b-9 in addition to myoglobin and fibronectin. The single positive MRP14 sample in the study and control groups was simultaneously positive for the other markers used. Myoglobin, fibronectin, C5b-9 and MRP14 are therefore suitable for immunohistochemical detection of vital reactions and estimation of temporal relationships in the early posttraumatic period after neck trauma. 相似文献
86.
Ridout Travis N. Shah Dhavan V. Goldstein Kenneth M. Franz Michael M. 《Political Behavior》2004,26(3):201-225
Scholars employ various methods to measure exposure to televised political advertising but often arrive at conflicting conclusions about its impact on the thoughts and actions of citizens. We attempt to clarify one of these debates while validating a parsimonious measure of political advertising exposure. To do so, we assess the predictive power of six different measurement approaches—from the simple to the complex—on learning about political candidates. Two datasets are used in this inquiry: (1) geo-coded political advertising time-buy data, and (2) a national panel study concerning patterns of media consumption and levels of political knowledge. We conclude that many traditional methods of assessing exposure are flawed. Fortunately, there is a relatively simple measure that predicts knowledge about information featured in ads. This measure involves combining a tally of the volume of advertisements aired in a market with a small number of survey questions about the television viewing habits of geo-coded respondents. 相似文献
87.
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Dieser Kommentar zur Bundestagswahl wurde am 4. Oktober 2005 der Redaktion der PVS eingereicht. Die Autoren bedanken sich
bei der Redaktion der PVS und bei Thomas Gschwend für Verbesserungsvorschl?ge, die am 12. Oktober 2005 in die Endversion eingearbeitet
wurden. 相似文献
88.
The German federal governmental system is conceptualized as a full-fledged two-level system, in which the Länder governments participate in federal policy decisions via the second chamber Bundesrat and in which the stakes of state coalition building are high for the federal parties. Our research question is whether we can find systematic empirical evidence for an influence of federal on state parties to build state governments whose party composition is concordant with federal politics, containing either exclusively federal governmental or non-governmental parties. We answer this question by indirect evidence. We show that such concordant majority coalitions occur above average even if important coalition predictors are controlled as minimal winning coalitions or participation of dominant and/or central players. We predict the 182 actual Land governments which were formed in the period from 1949 to 2003 compared to the possible governments in each situation. 相似文献
89.
Loose Cannons or Loyal Foot Soldiers? Toward a More Complex Theory of Interest Group Advertising Strategies
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Michael M. Franz Erika Franklin Fowler Travis N. Ridout 《American journal of political science》2016,60(3):738-751
Recent court decisions have encouraged new types of interest groups to become involved in election campaigns. Yet questions remain about whether interest group sponsorship of advertising affects the content of the issues being discussed. The ability of interest groups to influence the campaign agenda has implications for the extent to which politicians can be held accountable by citizens. In this research, we present a new conceptual framework for explaining variation in interest group advertising strategies and examine the factors leading different types of interest groups to be loose cannons (diverging from the issue debates among candidates) or loyal foot soldiers (matching the candidates’ issue debates). We find more evidence of loyal foot soldier behavior among new multi‐issue interest groups and among Republican groups and candidates. Fears of interest groups “hijacking” campaign agendas appear unfounded. 相似文献
90.
Mortgage servicing has garnered increased attention since the foreclosure crisis. As the interface between borrowers and investors, servicers make the decision to either grant a loan modification or to foreclose. This study examines servicer loan modification practices for a national sample of delinquent subprime loans, and assesses the extent to which those practices are associated with foreclosures. The research reveals significant differences across servicers in loan cure rates, which are related to servicers’ propensity to offer loan modifications and to the level of relief offered to borrowers. The observed differences across servicers and the implications of this heterogeneity for foreclosure prevention underscore the importance of additional data, research, and policies that can increase the uniformity and transparency of servicing practices. 相似文献