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51.
It has been estimated that women involved in street prostitution are 60 to 100 times more likely to be murdered than are nonprostitute females. In addition, homicides of prostitutes are notoriously difficult to investigate and, as such, many cases remain unsolved. Despite this large risk factor, little literature exists on homicides of prostitutes, and there is a lack of basic statistics and knowledge regarding this very specific victim group that could possibly help investigators. The aim of the current study is to conduct an exploratory study to explore the key characteristics of this group and how they differ from other subgroups of homicide. Forty-six cases of U.K. prostitute homicides are analyzed and compared to 59 male offender-female victim nonsexual homicide cases and 17 male offender-female victim sexual homicide cases. 相似文献
52.
This article develops a conflict approach for studying the field of international criminal law. Focusing on the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, we draw on Burawoy's (2003 ) elaboration of reflexive ethnography to determine how external political changes affect the work of an international legal institution. We explore how political frameworks of legal liberalism, ad hoc legalism, and legal exceptionalism result in internal office, organizational, and normative changes within this Tribunal, thereby linking national political transformations with the construction of the global. Drawing on rolling field interviews and a two-wave panel survey, we conclude that the claims to universals that underwrite transnational legal fields cannot be understood solely through an analysis of external political forces, but must be combined with attention to how these are refracted through internal organizational change within international institutions. 相似文献
53.
Mona Lynch 《Law & social inquiry》2002,27(3):529-557
As a distinct class of criminals, sex offenders stand out as being particularly subject to the new "risk management" penal strategies that, according to a number of scholars, have come to dominate punishment rhetoric and practices in recent years. Nonetheless, the criminal justice policymaking that targets sex offenders appears to have a more emotionally based underside. In this paper, I examine the emotional drive that appears to undergird contemporary sex offender lawmaking, suggesting that a significant force propelling the current panoply of sex offender containment strategies is a constellation of emotional expressions of disgust, fear of contagion, and pollution avoidance, manifested in a legislative concern about boundary vulnerabilities between social spheres of the pure and the dangerous. To do so, I analyze the lawmaking discourse of U. S. legislators as they debated four proposed legislative bills directed at sex offenders during the late 1990s. 相似文献
54.
In Durban, South Africa, delegates from South Africa's politicalcenter proposed a federal solution to apartheid. Called theKwaZulu/Natal "Indaba," the plan proposes to merge two hithertosegregated jurisdictions and to bring majority rule to at leastone province of South Africa. The system envisioned by the planincludes a bicameral legislature, a consociational cabinet,proportional representation, minority veto over certain legislation,a segmented representative chamber, and enforcement of a comprehensiveBill of Rights. The "KwaNatal" plan also calls for a substantialdevolution of power, including the right of the provincial legislatureto repeal acts of Parliament that invade areas of provincialcompetence. This determination to extend local, multiracialautonomy put Natal officials on a collision course with thecentral government at Pretoria, which is trying to eliminatethe elected provincial governments. 相似文献
55.
This report describes a new technique, immunofluorescence, for the detection and possible characterization of drug content in postmortem tissues. By using antisera generated against a drug-protein conjugate, the stabilization of tissue-sequestered drug is accomplished by incubation of fresh frozen sections of tissue with dilute solutions of rabbit anti-drug antibodies. Secondary incubation with a fluorescence-labeled anti-rabbit immunoglobulin labels these points of sequestration. Tissue sections so stained are examined by fluorescence microscopy. In studies with rats given graded doses of morphine sulfate, there were discernible differences in tissue binding of morphine in brain sections from animals treated "therapeutically," fatally, and chronically. Extension of these studies to human autopsy material is anticipated and potential problems are discussed. This technique offers the forensic toxicologist the potential for evaluating the drug content of tissues in situ. 相似文献
56.
Daniel C. Lynch 《The Pacific Review》2019,32(3):446-474
The variations on power transition theory so widely used to frame analysis of U.S.–China relation tend to assume the inevitability or at least strong probability of China surpassing the United States in economic power if not necessarily military power. In the terminology of social psychology’s attribution theory, China is imputed with the identity of a state that is inevitably rising. The Chinese Communist Party encourages this attribution among Chinese people and foreigners. But China’s economic rise – the foundation of its comprehensive rise – appears to have entered an inflection point in the mid-2010s and may now be stalling. In critical respects, China increasingly resembles the last two countries that ‘attempted’ a globe-level rise: the unsuccessful cases of postwar Japan and the Soviet Union. China’s labor force is shrinking; the country relies excessively on unsustainable debt increases to fuel economic growth; and pollution is seriously harming public health. But even if China’s rise conclusively stalls, it may take quite some time before the Chinese public and outside observers recognize the new reality because of intrinsic biases in the cognitive logic of attributing identities to actors. 相似文献
57.
Allen Lynch 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(2):21-24
President Dmitry Medvedev is neither a “liberal” nor a “puppet” of his mentor, Vladimir Putin. He is a capable politician, who appears genuinely to believe in the rule of law. Yet his formative policy experience has been overwhelmingly dirigiste, the approach that is unlikely to change fundamentally under his presidency. Medvedev's personal preferences in foreign policy are largely in line with the policies initiated by Putin, although his rhetoric and style will likely be more conciliatory. He will inherit a plethora of problems created by Russia's assertive policy, both in its near and far abroad. Moreover, the institutional constraints and informal rules within which Medvedev will have to operate make policy continuity more likely than policy reversal. 相似文献
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