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General synthetic routes to 4-methyl-5-arylpyrimidines and 5-arylpyrimidines are described. 4-Benzylpyrimidine, 4-methyl-5-phenylpyrimidine, 4-(4-methoxybenzyl)pyrimidine, and 4-methyl-5-(4-methoxyphenyl)pyrimidine have been positively identified as route-specific by-products in the Leuckardt preparations of amphetamine and 4-methoxyamphetamine.Using headspace solid phase microextraction (SPME) 4-(4-methoxybenzyl)pyrimidine and 4-methyl-5-(4-methoxyphenyl)pyrimidine have been identified in illicit tablets containing 4-methoxyamphetamine. This is an indication that illicit laboratories use the Leuckardt method for the preparation of 4-methoxyamphetamine.Flatliner tablets containing 4-methylthioamphetamine have been screened for the presence of 4-(4-methylthiobenzyl)pyrimidine and 4-methyl-5-(4-methylthiophenyl)pyrimidine using both headspace and aqueous phase SPME. As these pyrimidines were not detected it would appear likely that illicit laboratories are not using the Leuckardt method for the preparation of 4-methylthioamphetamine.  相似文献   
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This article examines the ‘Sport Works’ narrative of sport‐for‐development practitioners of an inter‐organisational sport‐for‐development (SfD) programme utilising rugby to foster positive social transformation in Brazil. In doing so, we address an under‐representation of practitioners who are often seen as subjugated voices in SfD programmes. The paper also addresses an under‐representation of Brazil as a research site in SfD literature. Following several site visits and interviews with practitioners, our data concludes that despite a novel context of Brazil and the alternative values to football offered through the sport of rugby, practitioners and programme managers maintain dominant narratives of social transformation through sport without clear monitoring and evaluation.  相似文献   
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We explore the foundations of the legislative party cartel, as theorized by Cox and McCubbins (1993, 2005) , to determine how majority‐party moderates who suffer net policy losses from the majority leadership's use of negative agenda control are kept from defecting from the cartel arrangement. First, we identify formally the group of majority‐party members who are net policy losers. We find that those members occupying the initial 30% of the space within the majority‐party blockout zone—that space closest to the floor median—are hurt on a pure policy basis by the cartel arrangement. Second, we find that members in this “30% zone” are rewarded disproportionately by majority‐party leaders (relative to members in other intervals on the same side of the floor median) via side payments in the form of campaign contributions. In addition, majority‐party members within the 30% zone receive side payments commensurate with their particular policy loss.  相似文献   
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Bullying is a process of direct (i.e., youth who bully and are victimized) and indirect (i.e., bystanders) social exchanges. Though researchers often examine social and emotional correlates of bullying role behaviors, it is important to also consider the underlying cognitive processes associated with different bullying roles such as socially oriented cognitive processes associated with executive functions. The goal of the current study was to examine executive functions associated with types of bullying role behavior (aggression, victimization, defending, assisting, and outsider behavior) and differences between boys and girls within a sample of 689 third- to eighth-grade students (51% male, 49% female). Victimization was significantly and negatively associated with each executive function. Defending was positively associated with emotion regulation for upper elementary school students, but not for middle school students. Outsider behavior was significantly and negatively associated with self-monitoring, flexibility, and initiation.  相似文献   
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Government and Administration: Too Much Checking, Not Enough Doing?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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