市场经济条件下社会治安防控的一条有效途径--治安辅助力量走职业化、市场化和社会化道路的思考

当前,社会治安形势日趋严重,由公安机关一家来承担社会治安防控任务是不可能的,也是不现实的.因此,治安辅助力量的运用就成为市场经济条件下社会治安防控的一条有效途径,而且,治安辅助力量应向职业化、市场化和社会化方向发展.     

东南亚华人企业治理结构探微

华人企业的显著特征就是其治理结构的家族化 ,创业者家族能够将企业控制权牢牢地控制在自家手中。至于如何才能获得并牢牢地掌握企业控制权 ,中小企业和所有权相对较为分散的大型企业有所不同。对于数量占绝大多数的中小企业 ,由于通过高度集中所有权从而集中控制权 ,其股份不能够多元化 ,不能吸收外部资本 ,致使多数华人企业长不大。对于所有权相对较为分散的大型华人企业 ,其所有权与控制权分离往往采用暗箱操作 ,既不具有透明度 ,也不利于吸引外部投资者 ,不但不利于其进一步发展壮大 ,而且由于创业者家族掌握的控制权与其所有权不对称 ,具有从事高风险投资和压榨小股东之倾向 ,此乃亚洲金融危机的一个重要诱因。     

美国公共行政学的再定位

随着新世纪的来临 ,面对新环境的挑战 ,公共行政学在理论和实践方面正寻求新的定位。新制度主义、网络理论、治理理论将是指导公共管理的三个主要理论 ,而行政联合将是应对挑战的新的公共行政实践。总之 ,公共行政学的这些变化使它重新找到在政治科学中的定位     

Civic Engagements: Resolute Partisanship or Reflective Deliberation

Why do people practice citizenship in a partisan rather than in a deliberative fashion? We argue that they are not intractably disposed to one type of citizenship, but instead adopt one of two different modes depending on the strategic character of current circumstances. While some situations prompt partisan solidarity, other situations encourage people to engage in open‐minded deliberation. We argue that the type of citizenship practiced depends on the engagement of the emotions of anxiety and aversion. Recurring conflict with familiar foes over familiar issues evokes aversion. These angry reactions prepare people for the defense of convictions, solidarity with allies, and opposition to accommodation. Unfamiliar circumstances generate anxiety. Rather than defend priors, this anxiety promotes the consideration of opposing viewpoints and a willingness to compromise. In this way, emotions help people negotiate politics and regulate the kinds of citizenship they practice.     

Social Science and the Public Interest

Social Science and the Public Interest

Social Science and the Public Interest January/February 2010     

Multilevel Governance: Framing the Integration of Top-Down and Bottom-Up Policymaking

Scholars embrace multilevel governance as an analytical framework for complex problems, such as climate change or water pollution. However, the elements needed to comprehensively operationalize multilevel governance remain undefined in the literature. This article describes the five necessary ingredients to a multilevel framework: sanctioning and coordinating authority, provision of capacity, knowledge co-production, framing of co-benefits, and engagement of civil society. The framework’s analytical utility is illustrated through two contrasting case examples—watershed management in the United States and air quality management in China. The framework balances local and central actors, which can promote a more effective governance regime.     

Party dualities: Where does political Islam go now?

One of the unusual features of the recent emergence of moderate Sunni Islamist political parties onto the formal political scene in the Arab world as a result of the Arab Awakening is that they nearly always emerge as elements in political dualities. Thus the party – a political movement – is wedded to a social movement and, sometimes, to a trade union as well. In addition, the social movement usually predates its parallel political movement. Furthermore, this structural duality seems to be confined to the Sunni world and often seems to be associated with the Muslim Brotherhood. The question then is precisely why this dual structure has been generalized within the political arena now colonized by moderate Sunni political Islam; is it a consequence of formal legal constraints upon such movements or does it respond to their internal dynamics? A further question raises the issue of why these dualities are not replicated within the Shi’a context or amongst secular political movements. And, finally, have they been paralleled amongst political movements arising from different religious traditions and what are the likely outcomes?     

禁止核武器条约:接下来做什么？

核不扩散机制使得世界从1945年以后没有发生过核战争,而且帮助防止了核武器扩散至更多国家或流入恐怖组织手中。然而,当前围绕禁止核武器条约的态势,可能会分散国际社会对核不扩散机制的关注和努力,这是禁止核武器条约的反对者和怀疑者们所担心的。禁止核武器条约的讨论得到国际支持,主要是因为核武器国家未能在《不扩散核武器条约》框架下就核裁军显示出“诚意”。无核武器国家占据大多数,而其中的多数又不能接受核裁军没有进展的现状,也不愿意成为有核国家启动核战争决策的人质。此外,尽管促成禁核条约的种种关切合情合理,但令人担忧的是条约过于简单,从而缺少严格的核查以及强制遵约条款。因此,核武器国家可以单独或与其他核武器国家一道更加认真地履行核裁军义务,设计核裁军机制的范本需要解决禁核条约绕开的关键问题,并需要进行国际辩论,讨论何种条件下首先使用核武器是必要与正当的,才是消除禁核条约造成对立的出路所在。     

immigrating into the occupation: Russian-speaking women in Palestinian societies

This article explores sex selective abortion (SSA) as a form of structural violence within the broader notion of women’s ‘protection’ in contemporary India. While SSA tends to be framed more generally within ethical and choice-based frameworks around abortion access and reproductive ‘rights’, and specifically in India around preference for sons as a discriminatory, cultural, technological misogyny, this article argues that sex selective abortion in India needs to be understood as an outcome of broader systemic economic, political and social processes. The deepening of neoliberal values through state policies has impacted significantly on social relations, shaping SSA as a manifestation of structural violence. State-driven policies in India reflect a neoliberal governmentality through state patriarchy that is implicit within the neoliberal developmental, governmental and capitalist paradigm of contemporary India. This article argues that SSA is structurally produced and therefore cannot be remedied through awareness-raising strategies such as beti bachao or financial inclusion as a means to ‘protect’ or ‘save the girl child’. Indeed, it is neoliberal economic forces that actively, though seemingly inadvertently, promote anti-women, sex selective abortion as a reproductive strategy, which is then disciplined through neoliberal governmentality. This highlights SSA as a form of gendered and structural, rather than discriminatory, violence.