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891.
George Giacaman 《Mediterranean Politics》2016,21(3):447-451
The right-wing drift in Israeli public opinion that brought Benjamin Netanyahu to power for the fourth time has deepened the existing political stalemate, sharpened internal Palestinian discontent with the Palestinian Authority (PA), and further undermined its legitimacy. After nearly a quarter of a century of negotiations, since the Madrid conference in late 1991, the PA appears to have reached the end of the line. Its attempt to “internationalize” the conflict by seeking recognition as a state by the UN Security Council and the General Assembly is meant in part to gain time and fill the political gap. Palestinian civil society groups perceive Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) as an alternative strategy to the failed “negotiated process” to end occupation even if it is a long term effort. A stable and just peace does not appear possible in the near future, and in the long run the nature of the solution need not be the one deemed at present as the only possible one. 相似文献
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Sam Harper Erin C. Strumpf Scott Burris George Davey Smith John Lynch 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2014,33(1):141-161
We investigated the differential effect of mandatory seat belt laws on seat belt use among socioeconomic subgroups. We identified the differential effect of legislation across higher versus lower education individuals using a difference‐in‐differences model based on state variations in the timing of the passage of laws. We find strong effects of mandatory seat belt laws for all education groups, but the effect is stronger for those with fewer years of education. In addition, we find that the differential effect by education is larger for mandatory seat belt laws with primary rather than secondary enforcement. Our results imply that existing socioeconomic differences in seat belt use would be further mitigated if all states upgraded to primary enforcement. 相似文献
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George Pagoulatos 《West European politics》2013,36(4):744-769
The deregulation and privatisation programmes of the Greek banking system in the late 1980s and early 1990s were both largely due to EC pressures. However, in each case the patterns of policy making differed although in neither did a policy network’ type of governance emerge. This intra‐sectoral dissimilarity reflected the interrelation of macro‐political institutional variables with different organisational arrangements and traditions between the Central Bank, on the one hand, and state‐controlled banks on the other. 相似文献
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