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Reviewed by George Michael 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(3):475-477
ABSTRACTPrevious research has argued that political inequality between ethnic groups increases the likelihood of both nonviolent and violent protest. In this study, I focus on civil resistance campaigns and argue that the probability that these large-scale, organized movements will take violent over nonviolent forms increases with the share of a country’s population that is excluded from political power on the basis of ethnic affiliation. I expect this to be so because ethnically exclusive regimes are more likely to counter political demands with violent repression, which increases the cost and decreases the anticipated success of nonviolent relative to violent resistance. I test this proposition in a global sample of countries for the period 1950–2006 and find, first, that high levels of ethnic exclusion make civil resistance campaigns more likely to occur violently than nonviolently. Next, to assess the mechanism at play, I conduct a mediation analysis and show that almost half of the effect of ethnic exclusion on violent campaign onset is mediated by the latent level of violent repression in a country. This result suggests that political authorities’ repressive strategies are key to explaining why regime opponents do not always opt for nonviolent forms of civil resistance. 相似文献
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Philip E. Muehlenbeck 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(1):69-95
Entering the White House at the crest of the African independence movement, John F. Kennedy and many of his advisors believed that Africa had surpassed Asia as the most permeable battlefield in the East–West Cold War struggle. While the battle lines of the Cold War had already been clearly drawn in Europe and in much of Asia, newly independent Africa was wide open for superpower competition. The central component of Kennedy's approach to dealing with Africa was his use of personal diplomacy with the leaders of that continent. This article is a case study of Kennedy's first successful use of personal diplomacy with an African head of State—Guinea's Sékou Touré. 相似文献
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Philip Lewis 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(6):801-826
It is argued that leaders and other change agents will be able to transform organizations and the members of organizations only if they possess compelling explanatory frameworks for viewing organizational behavior, structure and dynamics. To illustrate this point, the stratified systems theory of Elliott Jaques is presented in the context of an organizational intervention. The “vision” promoted by stratified systems theory enabled an outside consultant to transform the leadership of an ailing social services agency and was useful in explaining the inability of the organization's administrator and board of directors to act transformationally during a period of rapid change 相似文献
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Philip Schorr Ph.D. 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(5):649-688
This paper chronicles the work of Josephine Goldmark, a social activist of the early 20th century. Special attention is given to her contributions in the areas of the reduction of work days, reform of laws for working women, reform of child labor laws, the alleviation of fatigue, and nursing school improvements. Her efforts had lasting effects in each of these areas. Throughout, Goldmark's dedication to thorough preparation is a consistent theme. 相似文献
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"Terrorism Studies" as a specific discipline is a comparatively recent addition to the social sciences and is still grappling with questions relating to a proper or appropriate methodology. This article argues that research within the field is often based neither on primary sources nor set within an independent analytical framework. Rather, it is characterized by an "aligned" position dependent on a research hermeneutic of crisis management, which perpetuates the "received view." Talking to "terrorists" and the use of social identity theory, applied in a context of cultural difference, are here proposed as a methodology enabling independent analysis. 相似文献
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George Perkovich 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(4):413-425
On Security issues, India and Pakistan remain caught in a zero‐sum game. Yet elites in both states recognize the imperative to avoid increased conflict and are much more focused on internal problems than is appreciated in the U.S. The impending treaty to ban nuclear weapons testing, and reported Indian preparations to conduct a test, have brought both states closer to key decisions regarding their nuclear programs. Some Indians argue that India must now conduct a series of tests and openly seek a sophisticated nuclear arsenal, while others urge adherence to the test ban and concentration on economic development as the key to power and security. Both Indians and Pakistanis see U.S. policy as unhelpful in the region, though for opposite reasons. 相似文献