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931.
932.
Matthew S. Levendusky 《Political Behavior》2010,32(1):111-131
Scholars typically argue that elite polarization has only negative consequences for American politics. I challenge this view
by demonstrating that elite polarization, by clarifying where the parties stand on the issues of the day, causes ordinary
voters to adopt more consistent attitudes. Scholars have made such claims in the past, but because only observational data
has been available, demonstrating a cause-and-effect relationship has proven to be difficult. I use original experiments to
verify that there is a small but significant causal link between elite polarization and voter consistency. These findings
have important normative implications for our understanding of the consequences of elite polarization, the role of political
parties in a modern democracy, and the standards scholars use to assess citizen competence and participation. 相似文献
933.
Daniel B. Klein 《Society》2010,47(2):83-84
It seems like a small and perhaps shrinking minority of economists know reverence of individual figures. Most economists seem
to be without heroes, and sometimes disparage reverence as cultish idolatry. Here I collect from Michael Polanyi’s The Study of Man (1959) a few passages that eloquently suggest that “we need reverence to perceive greatness, even as we need a telescope
to observe spiral nebulae.” The selection is made in the defense of seeking out and communing with great minds. 相似文献
934.
Robert A. Campbell 《Society》2010,47(4):322-327
The concept of fair use was introduced in the Copyright Act of 1976 as a means of allowing limited free access to copyrighted
material. However, the application of fair use principles in the adjudication of infringement cases has demonstrated a fundamental
problem in our approach to intellectual property rights. In much the same way as Hardin recognized a tragedy of the commons,
continued efforts to make decisions based on the fair use doctrine run the risk of creating an information anti-commons. 相似文献
935.
936.
Karl Widerquist 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):83-103
The article discusses the conditions under which can we say that people enter the economic system voluntarily. “The Need for
an Exit Option” briefly explains the philosophical argument that voluntary interaction requires an exit option—a reasonable
alternative to participation in the projects of others. “The Treatment of Effective Forced Labor in Economic and Political Theory” considers the treatment of effectively forced interaction in economic and political theory. “Human Need” discusses theories of human need to determine the capabilities a person requires to have an acceptable exit option. “Capability in Cash, Kind, or Raw Resources” considers what form access to that level of capability should take—in cash, kind, or raw resources, concluding that a basic
income guarantee is the most effective method to ensure an exit option in a modern, industrial economy. 相似文献
937.
938.
939.
Simon Shen 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(2):191-203
This article examines the next stage in the movement towards self-government in rural China: that is, the direct election
of town-level executives. Theoretically, as the article asserts, with the mechanisms and statutes currently in place, direct
elections at the town level could generate a two-pronged disaffection. First, there may be alienation between the executives
directly elected at the town level and those already directly elected at the village level, namely a “vertical organizational
alienation.” Second, there may be alienation between the directly elected “town executives” and the town legislature (People’s
Congress), namely a “horizontal governmental alienation.” After describing the possible points of confrontation, the article
concludes by proposing how such discord can be prevented from arising and suggests that until the potential problems attendant
on these elections have been successfully tackled direct elections at the town level should not be extended into other regions. 相似文献
940.
Ari Kohen 《Human Rights Review》2010,11(1):65-82
What sort of person chooses to remain in a place like Rwanda when an easy exit is offered, when leaving seems the only safe or sane option, and when one is not directly connected to the would-be victims? And how does this person come to develop a circle of care that is expansive enough to include those who are radically Other? In what follows, I consider these questions through a detailed examination of the recent example of Paul Rusesabagina, the Hutu hotel manager in Kigali, Rwanda, who sheltered more than a thousand Tutsi and moderate Hutu refugees during the hundred-day genocide. I argue that Rusesabagina was primarily motivated by an awareness of his own mortality, his personal history, a desire to distance himself from the negative behavior of Hutu like himself, and a strong identification with the Tutsi refugees under his protection. 相似文献