全文获取类型
收费全文 | 390篇 |
免费 | 19篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 18篇 |
工人农民 | 20篇 |
世界政治 | 80篇 |
外交国际关系 | 23篇 |
法律 | 171篇 |
政治理论 | 96篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 2篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 9篇 |
2019年 | 15篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 15篇 |
2016年 | 7篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 13篇 |
2013年 | 66篇 |
2012年 | 15篇 |
2011年 | 14篇 |
2010年 | 8篇 |
2009年 | 13篇 |
2008年 | 24篇 |
2007年 | 18篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 31篇 |
2004年 | 12篇 |
2003年 | 17篇 |
2002年 | 19篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 3篇 |
1998年 | 5篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 7篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 3篇 |
1985年 | 3篇 |
1984年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1982年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 3篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有409条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
121.
Marianne Riddervold 《European Security》2018,27(2):158-174
This article adds to our understanding of the role of norms in the European Union’s (EU) response to the migration crisis by conducting a critical assessment of the EU’s anti-smuggling naval mission “Sophia”. Is Sophia in line with the normative standards the EU has set for itself in its foreign policies? Conducting the analysis in two steps in line with the main criteria of a humanitarian foreign policy model – first exploring Sophia’s launch and then assessing Sophia’s in theatre behaviour – findings suggest that although concerns for migrants at sea mobilised the initial launch of the mission, the mission is not conducted in line with key human rights principles. As the operation mandate is amended and updated with new tasks, and as the EU-NATO in theatre cooperation increases, the EU is moving further away from what one would expect of a humanitarian foreign policy actor. 相似文献
122.
123.
This article considers contemporary class inequalities and how they might shape a progressive politics in the UK. Drawing on findings from the BBC Class Survey, it outlines changes in the class structure, class mobility and class identities. It is argued that the class structure is increasingly polarised and fragmented, with a wealthy elite, a vulnerable precariat and fragmented middle and working classes in between. Declining upward social mobility is a source of anxiety for middle‐class and working‐class parents alike. Class identification, especially working‐class identification, has weakened over time, although class snobbery is far from dead. Class has changed and the class basis of politics is changing now too. A progressive politics is possible if the political parties of the centre‐left appeal to the majority of the electorate rather than one class, acknowledge common concerns and worries and appeal to shared hopes and dreams that straddle class boundaries. 相似文献
124.
Sarah M. L. Krøtel Anders R. Villadsen Morten B. Hansen 《International Public Management Journal》2017,20(4):675-700
For a long time, researchers have been interested in the consequences of creating larger public organizations. The outcomes of changes in the size of public organizations have been relatively widely studied; however, much less is known about the internal processes through which these outcomes are actually achieved. This article explores whether changes in organizational size affect public management. As endogeneity is an inherent problem when studying outcomes of organizational size, we apply a quasi-experimental design in order to establish the causal linkage between size and different elements of public management. We use unique survey data collected before and after a large reform that changed the size of most Danish municipalities. The results suggest that public management related to daily operations is generic and not affected by size, whereas public management related to overall tasks such as creating a vision, servicing the mayor, and maintaining external relations is positively affected by size changes. 相似文献
125.
Katherine H. Shelton Gordon T. Harold Tom A. Fowler Frances J. Rice Michael C. Neale Anita Thapar Marianne B. M. van den Bree 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2008,37(10):1216-1228
This study investigated genetic and environmental influences on the associations between mother–child relationship quality
(warmth and hostility) and adolescent conduct problems and cigarette use. Participants included 601 mothers and adolescent
twin pairs (aged 12–17 years). Mothers and adolescents provided separate reports of mother-to-child warmth and hostility.
A combined measure of mother and adolescent reported conduct problems was used while adolescents provided reports of their
cigarette use. Analyses were conducted using bivariate genetic analyses of correlated factors models and regression analyses
of monozygotic twin differences. Genetic influences were found for most ratings of the parent–child relationship, with evidence
of gender and/or rater-specificity for some measures. The relationship between mother–child hostility with adolescent conduct
problems and cigarette use was influenced by genetic and environmental effects. Evidence was found for shared environment
effects on the relationship between mother–child warmth and conduct problems. Examining monozygotic twin differences provided
further support for non-shared environmental influence on the relationship between mothers’ expressions of hostility and low
warmth and adolescent adjustment. Findings are discussed in relation to the interplay between genetic and environmental effects
underlying links between parent–child relations and adolescent behavior problems.
相似文献
Katherine H. SheltonEmail: |
126.
Research in political campaigning in Scandinavian countries is inadequate, and research in negative campaigning is entirely non‐existent. A ‘negative campaign message’ is defined as an explicit critique of the political opponent. Applying this definition to the 2005 Danish election indicates that negative campaigning comprises a very limited aspect of the political campaigning in the course of this election. The opposition tends to employ negative tactics the most in their attempts to establish their political platform. The media provided extensive coverage to the few negative campaign messages, thus presenting a biased sense of the political campaign to the general public. This biased media coverage encourages parties to ‘go negative’ in their respective campaigns in the battle for media attention. 相似文献
127.
128.
Kasper M. Hansen 《Scandinavian political studies》2007,30(3):377-396
Deliberation is the current buzzword among democratic thinkers. Deliberative democracy assumes that deliberation has an effect on the people engaging in the deliberative process. Several studies have demonstrated that this is indeed the case: deliberation increases political knowledge and opinion consistency, as well as mutual understanding and broader tolerance among citizens. In order to verify the findings from these studies and to confront the problems of internal and external validity in the previous studies of deliberation, alternative methodological designs must be applied. Applying an experimental split-sample design using CATI on the Danish electorate reveals how arguments and frames influence public opinion. Across various frames and arguments and political issues, positive (negative) arguments tend to push opinions in a positive (negative) direction. When competing frames are presented to the public, people submit to neither ambivalence nor non-attitudes. Quite to the contrary, people tend to follow their predisposition and provide more consistent opinions. Thus, deliberation composed of various competing frames and arguments facilitates – rather than distorts – sophisticated and considered public opinion. 相似文献
129.
130.