Adolescents’ time use: Effects on substance use,delinquency and sexual activity

Using an integration of social control theory and the routine activity perspective, adolescent time use was examined for effects on problem behaviors. We examined a wide variety of time use categories, including homework, extracurricular activities, sports time, alone time, paid work, housework, television watching, as well as indices of family time and peer time, for their effects on heavy alcohol use, cigarette smoking, illicit drug use, delinquency and sexual activity. The study employed a representative household sample of adolescents (n=606) and took into account important sociodemographic factors – gender, age, race (Black and White), and socioeconomic status. The most important predictors of adolescent problem behaviors were family time and peer time. Family time serves as a protective factor against all five problem behaviors while peer time is a highly significant risk factor for all five problem behaviors. Ph.D. in Sociology from the University at Buffalo. She is a Senior Research Scientist at the Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, 1021 Main Street, Buffalo, The State University of New York 14203. Her research interests include family influences on the development of adolescent substance use, gambling, and other problem behaviors M.A. in Mathematics from the University of Rochester. He is Project Manager/Data Analyst at the Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, 1021 Main Street, The State University of New York 14203. His current research interests include advanced data analysis techniques for studies of alcohol, other substance use and gambling behaviors among youth and adults. Ph.D. in Psychology from the University at Buffalo. He is a Senior Research Scientist at the Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, 1021 Main Street, The State University of New York 14203. His research interests include the substance abuse/crime nexus, the epidemiology of substance abuse, and the etiology and epidemiology of pathological gambling. Ph.D. in Sociology from Yale University. He is Professor and Chair in the Department of Sociology, University at Buffalo, 430 Park Hall, Buffalo, The State University of New York, 14260. His research interests include interpersonal relations in adolescent, family, friendship, and work groups. M.S. in Epidemiology from the University at Buffalo. She is a retired Research Scientist from the Research Institute on Addictions, University at Buffalo, 1021 Main Street, The State University of New York 14203. Her research interests include alcohol and other substance use among adolescents and families     

Ideas, Paradigms and Institutions: Agricultural Exceptionalism in the European Union and the United States

The differing trajectory of agricultural policy reforms in the 1990s in the world's two most important agricultural powers, the United States and the European Community/Union (EC/EU), can only be fully understood by appreciating the role that ideas play in policy outcomes. The idea of agricultural exceptionalism underwrote a paradigm of state assistance in the US and the EC/EU. By the mid-1980s, the state assistance paradigm was under stress, and subject to a number of anomalies in both the US and the EC. But while the paradigm was overthrown and replaced with a market liberal model in the US grain sector in the 1990s, it remained intact in the European Union. Explaining why agricultural exceptionalism and the state assistance paradigm has endured in the EU while it has withered in the US highlights three factors: the importance of the political institutional framework in locking in—or not—policy principles and instruments; the degree of fit of a sectoral policy paradigm with the broader societal ideational framework regarding appropriate relations between the state, the market, and the individual; and the capacity of a paradigm to adjust in the face of challenges and anomalies.     

The application of Canadian and U.S. trade remedy laws: irreconcilable expectations?

Abstract: The Canada-United States free trade agreement provides for the creation of a bilateral panel to settle trade disputes between Canada and the United States. Mandated to determine whether existing domestic trade remedy laws have been applied “correctly and fairly,” the bilateral panel has been heralded as ensuring an end to bias, protectionism and political interference in the U.S. trade remedy system. A review of recent decisions with respect to the application of countervailing duties on agricultural commodities in Canada and the United States traces the bias and protectionism in both countries to the considerable discretion allowed trade law administrators. While both systems are defensive of domestic interests, there is more direct political involvement in the U.S. system. The differing degree of political intervention reflects the differing expectations and traditions of the two countries: the Canadian tradition of political independence of administrative tribunals, the U.S. expectation of political direction on trade issues. This contrast, plus the ample interpretive discretion allowed trade remedy authorities in both countries, indicates the potential for appreciable differences in how the United States and Canada are likely to interpret what constitutes a “correct and fair” application of trade relief laws. Sommaire: L'Accord de libre-échange entre le Canada et les États-Unis prévoit la création d'une commission bilatérale pour trancher les conflits commerciaux entre les deux pays. Chargée de déterminer si les lois actuelles visant à corriger une situation estimée injuste dam le domaine du commerce ont été appliquées de façon juste et correcte, cette commission, annonce-t-on, devrait permettre de mettre un terme à la partialité, au protectionnisme et à une ingérence politique dans le système de protection américain. Dans l‘étude qui a été effectuée récemment à propos de l'application des droits de rétorsion sur les produits agricoles au Canada et aux États-LJnis, on indique que la partialité et le protectionnisme sont dus au large pouvoir discrétionnaire dont bénéficie dans les deux pays les administrateurs des lois commerciales. Si les deux systèmes protègent les intérêts de leur pays respectif, la politique joue un rôle beaucoup plus direct dans le système américain. Cette différence au niveau de l'intervention politique reflète les différences existant au niveau des attentes et des traditions entre les deux pays: au Canada, la tradition veut que les tribunaux administratifs soient indépendants alors qu'aux Éats-Unis on s'attend à recevoir des directives du gouvernement en ce qui concerne les questions commerciales. Ce facteur, auquel s'ajoute la grande liberté d'interpétation dont bénéficient dans les deux pays les responsables des mesures de protection, montre qu'il y a de grandes chances pour que le Canada et les États-Unis ne partagent pas le même point de vue sur ce qui constitue une interprétation “juste et correcte” des mesures de protection commerciales.     

Policy under siege: supply management in agricultural marketing

Abstract: National supply management in the Canadian dairy and poultry sectors is under siege. Its inherent protectionism is increasingly labelled anachronistic in the contemporary, globally competitive economy. This article probes the origins and political economy of the crisis in supply management. It argues that the pragmatism that led to the creation of private interest governments in the dairy and poultry sectors was not accompanied by the necessary degree of broader support in the Canadian political community for the goals and instruments of supply management. Canada's predominantly “business liberalism” norms have never been fully hospitable to the instruments and structures of supply management. Moreover, the legitimacy of poultry marketing agencies, in particular, has been further eroded by two features of their institutional design which have impeded their effective functioning: the inordinate influence they give producers viz-a-viz state and other interests within the sector; and their decision-making rules and procedures, which undermine the incentives for producers to compromise and which encourage parochialism at the expense of the interest of the sector as a whole. As the latter causes national marketing agencies to haemorrhage internally, they are simultaneously faced by an altered domestic and international political economy which gives the advantage to antagonistic interests and ideas. While reform of supply management and the private interest governments within which it is embedded appears inevitable, and is certainly defensible, it will be important for decision-makers to bear in mind that the public will not be well served by reforms that tip the balance of power unevenly in favour of processor and trade liberalization interests. Sommaire: La gestion de l'offre nationale dans les secteurs laitier et de la volaille au Canada est assaillie de toute part. Dans le cadre de l'économie actuelle, concurrentielle au niveaub mondial, on considère de plus en plus que son protectionnisme inhérent est anachronique. Le présent article examine les origines et l'économie politique de la crise qui frappe la gestion de l'offre. En outre, il soutient que le pragmatisme qui a menéà l'établissement de gouvernements d'intérět privé dans les secteurs du lait et de la volaille, n'avait pas un appui suffisant de la part de la communauté politique canadienne en ce qui concerne les objectifs et instruments de la gestion de l'offre. Lespréceptes canadiens dominés par le «libéralisme d'affaires» n'ont jamais ététout à fait favorables aux outils et aux structures de la gestion de l'offre. De plus, le caractère légitime des organismes de commercialisation de la volaille, en particulier, a été sapé davantage par deux caractéristiques de sa conception měme, qui en ont empěché le fonctionnement efficace. La première de ces caractéristiques est l'influence excessive que ces organismes procurent aux producteurs relativement aux intérěts étatiques ou autres dans le secteur; deuxièmement, leurs règles et procédures décisionnelles font que les producteurs sont peu enclins au compromis et qu'ils favorisent leurs intérěts les plus étroits aum dépens des intérěts du secteur dans son ensemble. Pendant que ce dernier effet entraǐne une hémorragie interne au sein des organismes nationaux de commercialisation, ces derniers doivent simultanément faire face à une économie politique nationale et internartionale modifiée, qui favorise des intérěts et idées s'opposant à la gestion de l'offre. Bien qu'une réforme de la gestion de l'offre et des gouvernements d'intérět privé au sein desquels elle est ancrée semble inévitable (et elle est certainment justifiable), il importe que les décideurs sachent bien que le public sera mal servi par des réformes qui feraient pencher la balance des pouvoirs public sera mal servi par des réformes qui feraient pencher la balance des pouvoirs de manière inégale en faveur des intéréts des processeurs ou de la libéralisation du commerce.     

Congressional responsiveness to presidential popularity: The electoral context

A number of recent studies have reported that the influence of the president's public approval rating on congressional support is not substantial. We hypothesize that this unexpected finding might be the result of the inappropriate application of an approval-driven model of legislative voting to the entire Congress. Specifically, we argue that members from certain kinds of electoral contexts—constituencies where the president's, or their own, electoral standing is in doubt—should be especially likely to vary their support for the president with changes in his approval rating. Although the patterns of presidential support scores between 1977 and 1991 do not confirm our specific hypotheses, they do suggest that the electoral context from which a legislator emerges does shape his or her responsiveness to changes in national presidential approval.     

The Ubiquitous Family Environment: Examining Emotional Insecurity in the Family and Adjustment in School

The present study examines adolescents' emotional insecurity and problem behaviors at school. Adolescents (n = 280; 136 boys, 144 girls, Median age = 13) and their parents reported on adolescents' emotional security and adjustment problems. Adolescents' teachers (n = 240) also reported on adolescents' school adjustment. Results support that emotional insecurity is related to adjustment problems in the home and at school. Emotional insecurity in the family system was a better predictor of adolescents' adjustment problems than emotional insecurity in the interparental relationship. Findings have implications for teachers, parents, school administrators and policy‐makers, as adolescents' problem behaviors at school can be explained by their emotional insecurity.     

Mixed feedback dynamics and the USA renewable fuel standard: the roles of policy design and administrative agency

Policy Sciences - Using the case of the USA Renewable Fuel Standard (RFS), this paper contributes to theorizing regarding the factors that affect feedback dynamics of a disruptive technology....     

A comparison of email versus letter threat contacts toward members of the United States Congress

To better understand inappropriate correspondence sent to public officials, 301 letter cases and 99 email cases were randomly selected from the United States Capitol Police investigative case files and compared. Results indicate that letter writers were significantly more likely than emailers to exhibit indicators of serious mental illness (SMI), engage in target dispersion, use multiple methods of contact, and make a problematic approach toward their target. Emailers were significantly more likely than letter writers to focus on government concerns, use obscene language, and display disorganization in their writing. Also, letter writers tended to be significantly older, have more criminal history, and write longer communications. A multivariate model found that disorganization, SMI symptoms, problematic physical approach, and target dispersion significantly differentiated between the correspondence groups. The group differences illuminated by this study reveal that letter writers are engaging in behavior that is higher risk for problematic approach than are emailers.