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221.
Swidden has historically been one of the most widespread land uses in upland Southeast Asia. In recent decades, swidden systems across the region have undergone rapid transformation. While most analyses focus on swidden as a livelihood practice, we direct attention to the political nature of swidden. Drawing on qualitative fieldwork and household surveys from two villages in East Kalimantan Province, Indonesia, we examine the politics of swidden along two key dimensions. First, at the household level, we describe swidden as a land control strategy. We identify territorialization and speculation as drivers of ‘contentious land change’ in swidden systems under pressure from expanding plantations and mines. Second, at the village and district levels, we examine the politics of swidden within new forest governance arrangements. Control of swidden has provided a focus for multi-stakeholder forest governance, but with ambivalent effects, developing village land management and livelihoods at a cost of temporary increases in swidden clearing and with minimal impact on deforestation for industrial land uses. Our analysis suggests forest governance efforts will be ineffective in eliminating contentious land change or reducing district-level deforestation until they address plantation and mining expansion as the dominant direct and indirect drivers of forest conversion. 相似文献
222.
Are state governments fulfilling their responsibilities to be model employers of women and minorities? Using U.S. Census Bureau data on individual employees from 1980 to 2015, this article looks at how much progress state governments have made toward eliminating racial and gender pay differences. It examines whether differences in education, age/experience, citizenship, English ability, hours worked, and occupation explain the pay differences. Patterns and explanations vary substantially by group, but state governments are doing a better job than private firms of closing pay gaps on almost every measure . 相似文献
223.
This article examines the lack of policy response to the 1990 U.S. National Intelligence Estimate (NIE) that predicted the collapse of Yugoslavia. Contrary to common criticisms of estimative intelligence, the NIE was accurate and unambiguous. Why was good intelligence unheeded? For some policymakers, the analysis was not closely tied to their interests and competed with other priorities for attention; for those who were substantive experts, the NIE’s grim message was hard to accept. Moreover, policymakers read intelligence reports in the context of popular concepts – a lingering Cold War lens distorted more than it clarified. Finally, while the NIE made hard-hitting judgments, it did not include any analysis of opportunities to influence the outcome. Rather than pushing an already difficult estimate to the breaking point, including opportunities would likely have increased the odds of policymakers taking action. These lessons have broader implications for analytical tradecraft and the often-challenging relationship between intelligence and policy. 相似文献
224.
Gregory J. Moore 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2010,15(3):283-306
While Sino-Japanese relations are quite stable presently, it was as recent as 2004–2005 that the two nations slid into the worst bilateral quagmire in decades. When in 2007 Japan was China’s third largest trading partner and China surpassed the US to become Japan’s largest trading partner, what is eating these two otherwise very pragmatic traders? History, nationalism and face, enabled by recent changes in the strategic environment, are the factors that have been most salient in bringing about the plunge in Sino-Japanese relations in 2004–05 and though Sino-Japanese relations have been much better since, these factors hang like a storm front over Sino-Japanese relations today. 相似文献
225.
Taking social entrepreneurship seriously 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
J. Gregory Dees 《Society》2007,44(3):24-31
226.
Thomas A. Petee Gregory S. Kowalski Don W. Duffield 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1994,19(1):117-132
The social disorganization perspective, as set forth by Clifford Shaw and Henry McKay, has enjoyed renewed interest in criminological
explanations of crime and delinquency. This paper extends this perspective beyond the traditional intraurban focus of the
neighborhood to a more encompassing interurban model, using 682 SMSA counties. The results using these counties were generally
consistent with neighborhood studies, demonstrating the robustness of the social disorganization model. 相似文献
227.
228.
Using 3,130 counties and equivalents in the United States for 1980, this paper provides a test of the effects of rural population
and its component parts, controlling for other factors, on homicide rates, across the rural-urban continuum. The results indicate
that the percent rural population of a county continues to have an inhibitory effect upon homicide. However, this result is
influenced by the rural-urban context of the county. 相似文献
229.
230.
Brandon K. Applegate John P. Wright R. Gregory Dunaway Francis T. Cullen John D. Wooldredge 《American Journal of Criminal Justice》1994,18(1):95-115
Existing research suggests that juries are more likely to condemn murderers to death when offenders are black victims are
white. It remains to be seen, however, whether these decisions reflect broader racial prejudices in society that are imported
into the jury room. If they do, then insuring equity in capital sentencing may be beyond reach. Accordingly, this study uses
factorial design methodology to examine whether members of the general public are more supportive of capital punishment when
asked to rate a vignette describing a murder involving a white victim and black offender as opposed to other victim-offender
racial combinations. Our analyses suggest that the race of the offender, but not the victim, has a significant influence on
support for capital punishment. Thus, procedural safeguards alone may be unable to eliminate racial bias in capital sentencing. 相似文献