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51.
The objective of this study was to determine the presence of corticosteroids in illegal herbal medicines using ultra‐high‐performance liquid chromatography–tandem mass spectrometry. We collected 212 herbal medicine samples that were advertised as being effective for treatment of joint pain and bone aches. Samples were from the Korean commercial market during a span of four years (2010–2013), and the method was validated. The limits of quantification ranged from 0.47 to 15.0 ng/mL, and recoveries ranged from 80.6% to 119.5%. The intra‐ and interday precision ranged from 0.18% to 8.82% and from 0.09% to 8.96%, respectively. Among the samples, three samples (1.4%) were identified as adulterants. Dexamethasone was the only compound detected in the adulterated products. As the corticosteroid–adulteration of herbal medicines may become a major problem and lead to side effects, the continued development of screening procedures for herbal medicines is critical.  相似文献   
52.
The new emphasis on quantification of evidence has led to perplexing courtroom decisions and it has been difficult for forensic scientists to pursue logical arguments. Especially, for evaluating DNA evidence, though both the genetic relationship for two compared persons and the examined locus system should be considered, the understanding for this has not yet drawn much attention. In this paper, we suggest to calculate the match probability by using coancestry coefficient when the family relationship is considered, and thus the performances of the identification values depending on the calculation of match probability are compared under various situations.  相似文献   
53.
The introduction of the North Korean Human Rights Act of 2004 (HR 4011 or the Act) was hailed by many in the U.S. Congress as a significant and much-needed legislative effort that would substantially improve the human rights conditions of North Korea, considered to be one of the most unpredictable and undemocratic regimes in the world today. The passage of HR 4011 effectively marked a new and notable phase within U.S. foreign policy, in which the issue of human rights was directly linked to the issue of North Korean nuclear non-proliferation in a Helsinki-style framework. Relating to the Act, this paper argues from cross-cultural, security, and legal perspectives that HR 4011 may encounter specific limitations, which may hinder the Act from reaching its stated objectives of furthering “respect for and protection of fundamental human rights in North Korea” and “to promote a more durable humanitarian solution to the plight of North Korean refugees.” Although improving human rights is a fundamentally important issue, linking human rights with DPRK nuclear non-proliferation through HR 4011’s explicit Helsinki-style approach may exacerbate rather than eradicate North Korean human rights violations as well as the DPRK’s ongoing nuclear standoff with the international community.  相似文献   
54.
Allele frequencies for nine STR loci namely, TH01, TPOX, CSF1PO, vWA, FESFPS, F13A01, D13S317, D7S820 and D16S539 were obtained from a sample of 437 unrelated individuals living in Chungcheong-do, South Korea.  相似文献   
55.
The goal of this paper is to deliver a concise form of discussion on the use of cost‐benefit analysis (CBA) in environmental policy formulation in the scholarships. There have been several critiques from environmental/legal economists and even from economists who are in favor of the use of CBA. The critiques of CBA can be reduced to one statement: ‘numbers don't tell us everything’. The implication from the critiques of CBA is that these evoke cautiousness or wariness against an economized calculation of CBA in the environment policy. CBA can be a valuable tool when it is carefully restricted from being used in policies such as environment, health, and natural resource policy in which inherent incommensurability exists. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
56.
Aqueous ethanol wet‐bath simulator solutions are used to perform calibration adjustments, calibration checks, proficiency testing, and inspection of breath alcohol instruments. The Toxicology Bureau of the New Mexico Department of Health has conducted a study to estimate a measurement of uncertainty for the preparation and testing of these wet‐bath simulator solutions. The measurand is identified as the mass concentration of ethanol (g/100 mL) determined through dual capillary column headspace gas chromatography with flame ionization detector analysis. Three groups were used in the estimation of the aqueous ethanol wet‐bath simulator solutions uncertainty: GC calibration adjustment, GC analytical, and certified reference material. The standard uncertainties for these uncertainty sources were combined using the method of root‐sum‐squares to give uc = 0.8598%. The combined standard uncertainty was expanded to U = 1.7% to reflect a confidence level of 95% using a coverage factor of 2. This estimation applies to all aqueous ethanol wet‐bath simulator solution concentrations produced by this laboratory.  相似文献   
57.
Cartel Theory (and partisan theory more generally) expertly explains the functioning of the U.S. Congress. However, as a theory originally developed to study a single legislature where the institutional context differs greatly from that found in other presidential democracies, its applicability to these democracies has been questioned. Between one extreme represented by the United States (where legislators control their own political future) and the other represented by centralized party systems (where the national party leadership controls legislators' future) exists an intermediate group of democracies where subparty bosses are the key actors, controlling the future of subsets of a party's legislative delegation. We analyze one of these intermediate democracies, Argentina, and demonstrate the general applicability of Cartel Theory to an institutional context that differs notably from that found in the United States. We highlight how the theory can be adapted to a political system where subparty bosses, not individual legislators, are the most relevant political actors .  相似文献   
58.
ABSTRACT

Using the performance evaluation data of Korean SOEs, the impact of information asymmetry within target setting on ratcheting intensity and the ratchet effect is investigated. It was found that ratcheting intensity is substantially greater (lower) for target-setting methods that have utilized limited (plenty of) information on past performance and that the ratchet effect increases with ratcheting intensity. These results indicate that information asymmetry between the superior and subordinates is one of the crucial drivers of the ratchet effect. It was also documented that when subordinates sufficiently beat target, the ratchet effect is much greater for relatively “top-down” target setting than that for relatively “bottom-up” target setting. This finding suggests that securing subordinates’ active participation in the target-setting process can alleviate their effort reduction incentive.  相似文献   
59.
VNTR D1S80 locus genotyping has been largely replaced in forensics by STR. As the statute of limitations on murder cases was abolished in the Republic of Korea in July 2015, the demand for re‐analysis of DNA from unresolved murder cases has increased. The National Forensic Service includes several recorded D1S80 genotypes as crucial clues. Here, we re‐established the D1S80 analysis system using capillary electrophoresis and confirmed the reproducibility of the system by comparison with the genotypes of eight DNA samples that had been analyzed using PAGE in 2006. In addition, we created an allelic ladder via new methodology using flanking region sequences. A single DNA sample (K562) and seven primers were used for the new ladder, which contains 12 alleles. Although artificial owing to the use of the flanking region rather than repeat unit reduction, the method is rapid and simple, and could be applicable in any laboratory.  相似文献   
60.
Abstract

Do democratic political regimes facilitate more robust environmental and natural resource regulatory policies? Yes, in many cases. Using detailed cases of natural resource policy making in Thailand, however, we find that neither political parties nor civil society nor state institutions do well in representing diffuse interests, mediating among conflicting ones or defining compromises and securing their acceptance by most key players. Gains in environmental or natural resource policy making have not been dramatically more likely under democratic regimes than under “liberal authoritarian” ones with broad freedoms of speech and association. We argue that Thailand's democratic political system features weak linkages between groups in society and political parties, lacks alternative encompassing or brokering institutions in civil society, and that these features account for a tendency for political democracy to fail to deliver on its policy potential in Thailand.  相似文献   
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