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131.
Elizabeth O. Silloca-Cabana M.D. Vivian M. Hathuc D.O. William T. Harrison M.D. Patrick E. Lantz M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(2):649-654
Fibromuscular dysplasia is an idiopathic, nonatheromatous, and noninflammatory arterial disease that most commonly affects the renal and carotid arteries. We report a child with subarachnoid and ocular hemorrhage associated with an aneurysm due to fibromuscular dysplasia. Computed tomography following a witnessed collapse revealed diffuse subarachnoid hemorrhage and severe cerebral edema. An autopsy confirmed the radiographic findings and detected bilateral retinal hemorrhages, optic nerve sheath hemorrhages, and a ruptured saccular aneurysm due to focal fibromuscular dysplasia involving the intracranial right vertebral artery. This case documents a fatal subarachnoid hemorrhage in a child with an intracranial saccular aneurysm caused by fibromuscular dysplasia. The associated retinal hemorrhages are easily detected by postmortem monocular indirect ophthalmoscopy. 相似文献
132.
We examine the relation between stakeholder culture and managers’ perceptions of stakeholder attributes of power, legitimacy, and urgency in Australian not-for-profit (NFP) organizations. Examination of this relation is important because managers’ perceptions of stakeholder attributes determine how stakeholder relationships are managed, which affects (positively or negatively) the ability of NFP organizations to fulfil their social mission. Data were collected through a survey of top managers of 478 NFP organizations. Our results show that the stakeholder cultures of altruist and instrumentalist, manifesting different moral values, differentially affect NFP managers’ perceptions of the three stakeholder attributes for clients and government. Specifically, an altruist stakeholder culture affects managers’ perception of client legitimacy, while an instrumentalist culture affects managers’ perception of government power. We also investigate the mediating effects of power and legitimacy on the relation between stakeholder cultures and urgency. We find that managers’ perceptions of power and legitimacy act as crucial cues for managers to perceive stakeholder urgency. Our study contributes to the stakeholder management literature and has important implications for managers of NFP organizations in managing stakeholder relationships in the contemporary environment. 相似文献
133.
Kathryn Harrison 《政策研究评论》2012,29(3):383-407
Policy makers who embrace market‐based approaches to environmental regulation, typically eschew carbon taxes in favor of the political advantages of cap and trade, which offers lower visibility of costs to consumers and the opportunity to allocate valuable permits freely to industry. Against this backdrop, the article examines two surprising proposals for carbon taxes, by the government of British Columbia (BC) and by the federal Liberal Party of Canada. Both reflected a triumph of party leaders' normative “good policy” motives over “good politics.” The BC tax alone succeeded first because it was adopted by a party already in government. Second, the onset of a recession before the next elections shifted voters' attention to the economy, which advantaged the BC Liberals but disadvantaged their federal counterparts. However, proposals for carbon taxes were unpopular in both jurisdictions, offering a cautionary tale concerning the fate of politicians' normative commitments absent electoral backing. 相似文献
134.
Mark Harrison 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(1):86-100
Any school of social science with claims to historical significance must show itself able not only to understand the world but also to show how to change it. In this respect the Marxist theoretical tradition in peasant studies has sometimes proved inferior to bourgeois theory. This can be seen in the conflict between the Chayanov tradition and its Marxist critics, not only in Chayanov's time but also in our own. Suck a weakness of ‘subordinate’ Marxism has historic roots. However there also exist historic precedents helpful to the task of developing a Marxist ‘practical theory’ for peasant studies. 相似文献
135.
Debbie Harrison 《Women: A Cultural Review》2013,24(2):158-163
Finance is a gun. Politics is knowing when to pull the trigger.' In these few words the taciturn Mafia boss Don Lucchese in The Godfather Part III highlights the inextricable link between money and power, which together represent most significant influences on society and gender throughout history. Until the 1960s the very title for this article would have been regarded as a contradiction in terms. With few notable exceptions, women and finance did not mix, largely because they were not given the opportunity to do so. Today, women represent a significant force for change in the financial services industry, both as a target market for financial products and as key employees within the financial institutions. To place the power of financial institutions in an economic context, pension funds and life assurance funds together own about two-thirds of the UK stock market, with a further tranche owned by other collective retail funds, such as unit trusts and open-ended investment companies. As a result, the investment companies that manage these funds effectively control British industry, and are the channel through which the funding for future businesses must flow. The simple fact is, therefore, that the boards of British companies are answerable on a more regular basis to private fund managers than they are to financial regulators or the government itself. 相似文献
136.
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138.
Laura Harrison 《Women's history review》2019,28(3):457-478
The York Penitentiary Society, a charitable female reformatory in York, aimed to transform ‘fallen’ women in the city into useful citizens through institutionalisation, domestic training, and moral and religious instruction. The Penitentiary focused on isolating its ‘inmates’ from wider society, but its moral reach extended far beyond the high walls of the Refuge, and the young women confined within. This article examines the York Penitentiary Society, and considers how it acted to police the streets and public spaces of York, and the behaviour of young women who populated them. In addition to adding detail to our understanding of the operation of female reform institutions, this study also adds to our knowledge on the unofficial policing of women’s behaviour in public space, and has significant implications for histories of urban life. 相似文献
139.
Rachel V. Harrison 《Feminist Review(on-Line)》2017,116(1):64-83
Despite the stereotypical, outsider view of Thailand as a thriving hub of international sex tourism, traditional and local constructions of Thainess instead privilege the position of the ‘good’ Thai woman—a model of sexual propriety, demure physicality and aesthetic perfection. This is the image of femininity that is heralded by Thailand’s Tourist Authority and by government agencies alike as a marketable symbol of cultural refinement and national pride. But this disturbing ‘utopian’ construction of femininity might for some be considered a dystopia shaped by forms of power centred on elite urban rule. In mainstream definitions of Thainess, the monstrous and grotesque inverses of ‘good’ womanhood are located in the ‘dystopian’ visions of rural-based folk traditions that abound with malevolent female spirits and demons, and in the contemporary Thai horror films that draw on these tropes. Adopted by Thai feminists and by street protestors in Bangkok at times of recent political unrest, portrayals of a ‘monstrous-feminine’ have been adopted as central to a carnivalesque strategy of response and resistance to elite discourses of control. Such forces serve to symbolically disturb and destabilise middle-class constructions of a utopian vision of Thainess with Bangkok as its cultural core. This paper examines instances of how and why the counter-strategy of primitivism and monstrosity has developed, and the extent to which it translates ‘dystopian’ expressions of female sexuality in new imaginaries of ‘dystopia’ as a space of liberation from stultifying cultural and political norms. 相似文献
140.