Using art and everyday objects to fight HIV/AIDS in Uganda

This paper argues for the importance of enabling dialogue between women and men about taboo subjects of sex and sexuality in HIV/AIDS prevention. It reports the findings of a project that sought to use art (specifically sculpture) for creating dialogue between women and men in rural Uganda. It then provides suggestions for HIV/AIDS practitioners on how to use everyday objects to stimulate similar discussion about sex and disease prevention between women and men. We argue for the utility of art and everyday objects where literacy rates are low, or where modes of communication and information-sharing are predominantly orate.     

Land restitution and income generation in protected areas in Mpumalanga,South Africa

In many cases protected areas in South Africa have been established with little or no regard for communities living in or adjacent to them. The new challenge to protection of biodiversity is to find an equitable balance between conservation, beneficiation of the new land owners, and “balancing the books”. This article discusses the Blyde River Canyon Nature Reserve as a case study to illustrate some of the potential outcomes that co-management of protected areas can offer towards income generation, and highlights challenges towards success: it asks, can co-management be financially sustainable for both the conservation agency and the land claimants?     

From philanthropy to corporate social responsibility in Guatemala: assessing shifts through Alianzas

Latin American firms are moving from narrow philanthropy to broader engagement with development priorities. We examine this shift with data from Alianzas, a development programme promoting private contributions to health and education in Guatemala. We use Solomon's (2010) dimensions of proliferation, professionalisation, and partnering to compare firms' pre-Alianzas efforts with programme activities. Both firms with established and new philanthropic programmes engaged with Alianzas (proliferation). Most participants were willing to steer efforts towards public priorities (professionalisation) and collaborate with government (partnering). Given chronic underfunding of health and education priorities in Guatemala, we suggest that private contributions to public programmes be institutionalised.

De la philanthropie à la responsabilité sociale des entreprises au Guatemala : évaluer les changements obtenus à travers les Alianzas

Les entreprises latino-américaines sont en passe de s'éloigner de la philanthropie étroite et choisissent plutôt une approche large du travail sur les priorités de développement. Nous examinons cette évolution à partir de données émanant des Alianzas, un programme de développement qui favorise les contributions privées à la santé et à l'éducation au Guatemala. Nous employons les dimensions de Solomon (2010) de prolifération, professionnalisation et établissement de partenariats pour comparer les efforts des entreprises pré-Alianzas aux activités de programme. Des entreprises dotées de programmes philanthropiques établis ainsi que nouveaux ont collaboré avec des Alianzas (prolifération). La plupart des participants étaient disposés à orienter les efforts vers les priorités publiques (professionnalisation) et à collaborer avec le gouvernement (établissement de partenariats). Étant donné le sous-financement chronique des priorités en matière de santé et d'éducation au Guatemala, nous proposons que les contributions privées aux programmes publics soient institutionnalisées.

De filantropia à responsabilidade social corporativa na Guatemala: avaliando mudanças através do programa Alianzas

Empresas latino-americanas estão mudando de filantropia limitada para engajamento mais amplo com prioridades de desenvolvimento. Examinamos esta mudança com dados do Alianzas, um programa de desenvolvimento que promove contribuições privadas para a saúde e educação na Guatemala. Utilizamos as dimensões de Solomon (2010) de proliferação, profissionalização e parceria para comparar os esforços das empresas pré-Alianzas com atividades do programa. Tanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos estabelecidos quanto as empresas com programas filantrópicos novos engajaram-se com a Alianzas (proliferação). A maioria dos participantes desejava dirigir esforços para prioridades públicas (profissionalização) e colaborar com o governo (parceria). Tendo em vista o baixo investimento crônico nas prioridades da saúde e educação na Guatemala, sugerimos que contribuições privadas para programas públicos sejam institucionalizadas.

De la filantropía a la responsabilidad social corporativa en Guatemala: cómo se evalúan los cambios a través de Alianzas

Las empresas latinoamericanas están abandonando sus prácticas exclusivamente filantrópicas para asumir un mayor compromiso con las prioridades del desarrollo. Los autores analizan esta transición a través de la información obtenida de Alianzas, un programa de desarrollo que promueve el financiamiento privado en las áreas de salud y educación en Guatemala. Utilizan las categorías de Solomon (2010) –difusión, profesionalización y construcción de acuerdos– para comparar las actividades de las empresas antes y después de participar en el programa Alianzas. En el programa Alianzas participaron tanto las empresas con experiencia en actividades filantrópicas como las que no la tenían (difusión). La mayoría de las empresas que participaron encaminó sus esfuerzos hacia las prioridades públicas (profesionalización) y hacia la colaboración con el gobierno (construcción de acuerdos). Dada la escasez crónica de financiamiento para la salud y la educación en Guatemala, los autores sugieren que se institucionalicen las donaciones privadas para los programas públicos.     

A Two-Dimensional Approach to the Political Opportunity Structure of Extreme Right Parties in Western Europe

Previous studies on the electoral fortunes of extreme right parties (ERPs) have pointed to the importance of variables of party competition for the success – or failure – of ERPs. These studies vary greatly when it comes to describing the political opportunity structure of the extreme right. Apart from their methodological differences, existing studies differ especially with regard to the assumed underlying dimension of party competition. This article tests the impact of three frequently discussed variables in the political opportunity structure of ERPs (mainstream party convergence, position of the established right and party system polarisation) on the vote share of ERPs in Western Europe. In addition to examining previous studies in this field, it focuses on the interplay between the economic and the cultural dimensions as part of the political opportunity structure. The authors show that a decrease in polarisation with regard to economic questions is accompanied by a growing salience of ERPs' core issues, leading in the end to an increase in ERPs' vote share.     

The Effects of détente on the two German states

In non-presidential systems the head of state is either a monarch or a president elected directly by the voters or by an assembly. The political powers of heads of state in non-presidential systems vary from being powerful to being just a symbolic figure of representation and integration. In response to the disastrous experience of the Weimar Republic, in the Federal Republic the choice fell on the latter with the result that the political powers of the President were significantly reduced. Hence, his role is usually described as largely ceremonial and representative and he is expected to be a figure of integration rather than divisiveness. However, the role of the President of the Federal Republic of Germany seems to have changed significantly under the Presidency of Horst Köhler who appears to have made considerable use of his powers and decisively exercised his role as one of the veto players of the German political system. This article examines to what extent the German Presidency has indeed undergone an increased politicisation under Horst Köhler since 2004.     

Protest Actions against the European Union, 1992–2007

In spite of the enormous amount of attention devoted to the process of European integration, the study of protest actions that take the European Union as their target is only incipient and suffers from a lack of up-to-date systematic information. This research note presents new data on protests in the member states which, directly or indirectly, targeted the Union between 1992 and 2007. These data show that the increase in protest mobilisation anticipated by previous scholars has not taken place and that the advances in formal European integration have not been matched by any corresponding increase in protests targeting the EU.     

Who should be chef? The dynamics of valence evaluations across income groups during economic crises

In this paper, we investigate partisan rationalization in valence politics by trying to better specify the direct and indirect effects of the economy on government support. To do so, we examine how income levels moderate the influence of objective economic conditions on perceptions of which party is the best manager of the economy during a period of economic crisis, 2004–2010, in the United Kingdom. We find that low-income voters are more responsive in their assessments of the incumbent Labour government based on unemployment, as are high-income voters in terms of inflation. In addition, high-income voters tend to behave in a manner consistent with partisan rationalization, while low-income voters do not. These conclusions offer important implications for the effectiveness of electoral control of government policy, as well as the quality of representation.     

Harry Hopkins and Soviet Espionage

One of the intriguing unidentified cover names in the Venona decryptions released in the mid-1990s was ‘19’, a Soviet source senior enough to report taking part in a conversation with President Roosevelt, Prime Minister Churchill, and Vice-President Wallace at the 1943 Trident conference. While some historians thought the evidence too ambiguous to identify the real name behind ‘19’, others built a case that it was presidential adviser Harry Hopkins. Alexander Vassiliev's notebooks, made public in 2009, resolved the issue by firmly identifying ‘19’ as State Department official Laurence Duggan. There remain, however, writers who refuse to accept the evidence that ‘19’ was Duggan and insist that Hopkins was a Soviet agent on the basis of insubstantial evidence.