Inquiring into activist publics in chronic environmental issues: use of the mutual‐gains approach for breaking a deadlock

This study aims to understand different publics' communicative behaviors for problem solving surrounding an oil spill issue in Korea. Specifically, it explores the differences between chronic activists and other types of publics who were affected by this chronic environmental issue. A total of 24 interviews were conducted, from which five different types of publics were identified. The findings suggest that the majority of activists who are currently working on the issue are closed‐chronic activists, which are slightly different from Ni and Kim's findings on chronic activists' communicative behaviors. Interviews were also conducted with five communication experts to propose viable conflict resolution strategies for the issue. The mutual‐gains approach is recommended as a viable organization–public conflict resolution strategy. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Cultural Policy in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea

The purpose of this paper is to introduce North Korean culture as well as its foundation, North Korean cultural policy. The paper consists of three broad sections. First, I explore the unique qualities and changes of North Korean cultural policy. Next, I look into what North Korea considers to be culture and how it is portrayed. Finally, I will analyze the similarities and differences between North and South Korean cultural policy, and the possibility of their convergence.     

Constituent Influence on International Trade Policy in the United States, 1987–2006

The debate on whether class-based or industry-based coalitions are politically salient in American trade politics has illuminated domestic sources of international trade policy but remains unresolved. In particular, the literature offers contradictory evidence on the dominance in recent years of class-based or industry-based trade politics. This contradiction is mainly due to selective use of congressional votes. This article contributes to this debate by applying a multilevel item-response-theory model to the entire universe of trade-related votes since 1987. This study finds that class-based coalitions are politically salient in current U.S. trade politics. Furthermore, while this study confirms the significance of party influence on trade voting, it finds little support for the view that political parties have dyadic relationships with particular groups of constituents.     

Globalization and Domestic Trade Policy Preferences: Foreign Frames and Mass Support for Agriculture Subsidies

Reforming agriculture trade policy is key to breaking the deadlock in multilateral trade negotiations. While existing studies have focused on institutions and interest group barriers to agriculture trade reform in developed countries, most have failed to recognize the broad support for agriculture protection among developed countries. In this article we examine one of the drivers of this support: the ability of politicians to frame their own agriculture policies as less generous relative to those of other countries. Drawing on existing literature on heuristics, we argue that voters are malleable to politicians’ comparative framing of agriculture policies. Using an original survey experiment in the United States, we find that framing US agriculture as less generous than other countries generates an additional 12% of respondents supporting increased farm payments to US farmers. These results speak to the difficulty in reforming agriculture and more broadly about the lack of public support for unilateral trade liberalization.     

Direct STR amplification from whole blood and blood- or saliva-spotted FTA without DNA purification

The DNA purification step has been thought to be essential for typing of STR DNA. However, this process is time-consuming, and there is a risk of unexpected cross-contamination during purification. We report a new method for direct short tandem repeat (STR) amplification using a newly developed direct PCR buffer, AnyDirect, which can amplify STR loci from whole blood and blood- or saliva-spotted FTA cards without DNA purification. The autosomal and Y chromosomal STR loci were analyzed for whole blood and blood or saliva spots of random individuals, followed by comparison of the results with those of corresponding purified DNA. The results from whole blood and blood spots showed perfect concordance with those from purified DNA without allele or locus drop-out. However, in the case of saliva spots, no amplification or locus drop-out was observed in some of the samples, which offers a topic for further study. Additionally, some commercial hot-start DNA polymerases other than AmpliTaq Gold DNA polymerase were also found to be compatible with this buffer system. Therefore, this direct PCR buffer was demonstrated to be useful for fast forensic DNA analysis or criminal DNA databases for which there is no need to store DNA samples.     

Trends of Marxian Ratios in South Korea, 1980–2014

ABSTRACT

This article explores the dynamics and contradictions of capital accumulation in South Korea from 1980 to 2014 by analysing the rates of surplus value and profit and criticises two theses of financialisation and income-led growth. The rate of surplus value soared after 2000 because the real wage growth was contained by the neo-liberal onslaught against workers. The profit rate consistently declined after 1987, paving the way for the 1997 crisis and its main driver was the rising organic composition of capital. After the 1997 crisis, the profit rate rebounded for six years thanks to the intensified exploitation of workers. From 2002 until the 2008 global financial crisis, the rate of profit dropped again. However, contrary to the financialisation thesis, there has been no substantial transfer of surplus value from the real sector to the financial sector. Our results also show that the accumulation rate determined income distribution, not vice versa, contradicting the income-led growth strategy, now popular among the Korean progressives. Marxian macro-dynamics is operating as usual in Korea.     

Testing the Predictions of the Multidimensional Spatial Voting Model with Roll Call Data

e-mail: gjeong{at}artsci.wustl.edu This paper develops a procedure for locating proposals and legislatorsin a multidimensional policy space by applying agenda-constrainedideal point estimation. Placing proposals and legislators onthe same scale allows an empirical test of the predictions ofthe spatial voting model. I illustrate this procedure by testingthe predictive power of the uncovered set—a solution conceptof the multidimensional spatial voting model—using rollcall data from the U.S. Senate. Since empirical tests of thepredictive power of the uncovered set have been limited to experimentaldata, this is the first empirical test of the concept's predictivepower using real-world data. Author's note: An earlier version of this paper was presentedat the 2006 Annual Meeting of Political Methodology Society.I am grateful to Andrew Martin, Gary Miller, Dan O'Neill, DavidPark, Robert Walker, and three anonymous reviewers for theirhelpful comments. I am especially indebted to Gary Miller forhis insights and advice. All remaining errors are my own.     

Effect of Sex Offenders Treatment Program on Cognitive and Emotional Characteristics of Mentally Ill Sex Offenders

This study assessed the effect of a 10‐week cognitive behavior treatment program in 30 mentally ill sex offenders. The effect of the program was evaluated using the Interpersonal Responsiveness Index (IRI), UCLA Loneliness Scale (UCLALS), Coping Using Sex Inventory (CUSI), and Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (RMAS). Data were analyzed using the paired t‐test. The ability of sex offenders to cope with sexual acts when they faced stressful situations and to accept the rape myth was significantly improved on CUSI (t = 2.09, p = 0.04) and RMAS (t = 5.45, p < 0.001). Feelings of isolation and the ability to empathize based on IRI (t = 0.62, p = 0.54) and UCLALS (t = 0.88, p = 0.38) were not significantly improved. To prevent recidivism, treatment for mentally ill sex offenders should focus on changes in their cognitive and emotional characteristics in addition to their main psychiatric illness.     

The supermajority core of the US Senate and the failure to join the League of Nations

The failure of the United States to join the League of Nations is often considered to be an outcome of isolationist influence. The supermajority requirement of treaty ratification in the US Senate also is blamed for allowing a minority of isolationists to block the will of the majority that supported the treaty. To determine the cause of the failure, I analyze the Senate debate over the treaty using the concepts of the supermajority core and supermajority winset. Using all 157 votes on the treaty, I estimate senatorial positions and the locations of both the status quo and the treaty on the same metric space. From this analysis, I find that isolationists were not influential enough to block the ratification. Instead, President Wilson’s unwillingness to compromise is found to have played a critical role in the treaty’s defeat. The treaty’s defeat thus was not an indication of the power of isolationism. This study contributes to the growing body of literature that debunks claims about the dominance of isolationism in the interwar period. At the same time, the paper demonstrates how the core and winset concepts can be useful in answering substantive collective choice questions.