全文获取类型
收费全文 | 513篇 |
免费 | 13篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 17篇 |
世界政治 | 62篇 |
外交国际关系 | 19篇 |
法律 | 281篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 105篇 |
综合类 | 8篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 7篇 |
2018年 | 13篇 |
2017年 | 12篇 |
2016年 | 13篇 |
2015年 | 10篇 |
2014年 | 15篇 |
2013年 | 88篇 |
2012年 | 10篇 |
2011年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 13篇 |
2009年 | 12篇 |
2008年 | 11篇 |
2007年 | 21篇 |
2006年 | 13篇 |
2005年 | 11篇 |
2004年 | 21篇 |
2003年 | 15篇 |
2002年 | 16篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 12篇 |
1999年 | 10篇 |
1998年 | 6篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 10篇 |
1995年 | 12篇 |
1994年 | 13篇 |
1993年 | 6篇 |
1992年 | 17篇 |
1991年 | 6篇 |
1990年 | 7篇 |
1989年 | 7篇 |
1988年 | 8篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 6篇 |
1984年 | 10篇 |
1983年 | 4篇 |
1982年 | 6篇 |
1981年 | 5篇 |
1980年 | 3篇 |
1979年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 3篇 |
1976年 | 5篇 |
1975年 | 4篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1973年 | 4篇 |
1970年 | 5篇 |
1969年 | 4篇 |
1966年 | 6篇 |
排序方式: 共有526条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
91.
At a time of intense debate over the specific organizational arrangements of American national security agencies with new or refocused intelligence responsibilities, the relative proximity between intelligence producers and consumers is a key issue. Intelligence capabilities may have to be kept separate from decision-making because of organizational economies of scale and scope, but separation alone does not mean intelligence must be distant from decision-making. For example, the British style of analysis involves a much closer relationship between intelligence producers and consumers than exists in the American context. Efforts to improve the integration of intelligence into decision-making by closing the distance between them would do well to study the history and efficacy of this process as they look to create new ways of structuring the relationship between intelligence analysis and decision-making. Specifically, history demonstrates that the US National Security Council staff implemented a process in 1968 through 1980 that approximated the British style of analysis, and this may provide US policymakers with a model for bridging the gap between intelligence analysis and decision-making. 相似文献
92.
Philip H. J. Davies 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(3):201-207
Tom Bower, The Perfect English Spy: Sir Dick White and the Secret War 1935–90 (London: Heinemann, 1995). Pp.385, 24 photos, biblio., index. £16.99. ISBN 0–434–0080–9 相似文献
93.
94.
Hugh W. Stephens 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(4):554-573
Americans and their government are seemingly unconcerned about the possibility that maritime facilities and personnel might be at risk to armed violence. Not only are current maritime security efforts minimal, they feature a curious dichotomy: one thrust is directed toward occasional acts of terrorism, the other toward coastal defense in wartime. Despite a manifestly more interactive world marked by the ready availability of powerful, mobile weapons, no serious efforts have been directed toward protecting maritime facilities and personnel in the United States against special operations or unconventional warfare. This indifference reflects the prevalence of the Clausewitzian paradigm in America's attitude toward war and the country's historical experience with coastal defense in the wars of this century. The fragmented structure of civil and military protection available to protect ports and other facilities suggests that protection could not be quickly upgraded in the face of a rapidly‐developing threat. 相似文献
95.
Abstract THIS PAPER aims to establish a framework from which we can explain our dissatisfaction with defining what we teach and what and how we assess within legal education. To what extent can we, the professions or the public, have confidence that our assessment processes predict effective professional competence? We will try to establish this framework by placing the discussion in the context of a workshop of assessment of oral skills run at the 2001 Bar Vocational Course conference. The workshop raised issues which we believe encapsulate the difficulties of measuring performance in such a way that it reliably predicts professional effectiveness. From this we will attempt to highlight the shortcomings of the current teaching, learning and assessment strategies more generally. We go on to consider the role of student reflection in support of summative assessment: is it a reliable way of helping to plug the competence‐performance gap we have identified? What is its role in summative assessment? What demands does it make on tutor and learner? Since we cannot guarantee to find the best solutions first time, we make a plea for taking the risk of failure as well as success, and trying out ideas. 相似文献
96.
97.
Gareth Davies 《The Modern law review》2004,67(1):94-107
In Müller-Fauré the Court of Justice has made clear that restricting patients to receiving medical services from their domestic health systems is often contrary to EC Treaty rules on the free movement of services, particularly where the treatment is not in-patient. The patient should generally be able to go abroad for treatment at the expense of their national health authority. This has structural and financial repercussions for health care systems in several Member States, including the United Kingdom, whose systems are premised upon captive patients. It also has broader implications for welfare harmonisation and provision in the European Union. Exceptions are possible, where the implications for the national health system would be very serious, but Müller-Fauré indicates that the Court will not allow national courts or authorities to rely on these too freely. 相似文献
98.
99.
100.
Abstract: Since its creation in the mid-1950s, the elected council of Metropolitan Toronto was composed of politicians who had first been directly elected in their home municipalities (Scarborough, North York, etc.)- Over the years, various observers had noted the representational weaknesses of this arrangement, but little had changed by the mid-1980s. Metro concerns often appeared to be overlooked in the interest of local concerns, and lines of accountability from Metro to the public were weak. During the period 1986–88 a provincial government initiative led to a joint review of Metro's electoral arrangements and to enactment of major procedural reforms. By the 1988 Ontario municipal elections a system for direct election of the Metro council was in place. The provincial government's approach to reform, a provincial-municipal task force, merits examination, for the municipal affairs ministry was able to bring reforms forward despite opposition from certain local government leaders. Reviewing this experience sheds light on some of the complexities involved in analysing representational options as well as in assessing the provincial relationship with Metro issues. Study of the reform process utilized here illustrates the ability of a committed provincial government to place discussion of Metro change firmly on the political agenda. Reflection on the procedures and representation issues of the mid-1980s is now timely as the Ontario government is developing a yet larger entity, the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), which encompasses about 40 per cent of the province's population. Sommaire: Depuis son etablissement vers le milieu des annees 1950, le conseil elu du Toronto metropolitain etait compose de politiciens qui avaient d'abord ete elus directement dans leur propre municipality (Scarborough, North York, etc.). Au fil des annees, divers observateurs ont note les faiblesses de ce systeme de representation, mais tres peu changea jusqu'au milieu des annees 1980. Les preoccupations de 相似文献