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Ian Jackson 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):113-138
This article examines the Eisenhower administration's trade policy towards the Soviet Union in 1953–54. It argues, contrary to previous scholarship on the subject, that the liberalization of East‐West trade controls in August 1954 cannot be attributed solely to the presidential leadership of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Instead, whilst Eisenhower played a significant role in changing American embargo policy, it was the Churchill government which provided the impetus required for the revision of the international export control lists. Despite conflict and confrontation over the shape and contents of the new embargo between Washington and London, the two governments forged a compromise in the summer of 1954. 相似文献
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We consider a contest where one firm has a cost advantage over rivals. Instead of taking the set of rivals as given, the favorite can transfer the source of its advantage wholly or partially to a subset of rival firms. Foreclosure of those firms that do not receive the cost reduction may result. We present conditions under which this transfer will occur and consider the welfare properties of exclusion. The expected payoff of the dominant firm is independent of the size of the cost reduction transferred to rivals. Applications include lobbying, patent races and access to essential infrastructure. 相似文献
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Ian Carter 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(4):483-488
David Craig's paper ‘Novels of Peasant Crisis’ is to be warmly welcomed. But Craig provides no adequate analysis of the peasant crises underlying the novels which he considers. This paper considers one of Craig's novels; Lewis Grassic Gibbon's Sunset Song. Craig's explanation of this book in terms of depopulation and the destruction of the Kincardine peasantry from outside is seen to be inadequate. Sunset Song is about the crumbling of a peasant mode of production through the working out of internal contradictions within that mode of production. As an introduction to this discussion of Sunset Song Craig's dismissal of the utility of Thomas Hardy's work for the analysis of rural class relations is argued to be distinctly premature. 相似文献
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Ian Martinez 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(6):1159-1179
In 1979 the largest recorded outbreak of anthrax occurred in Rhodesia, present day Zimbabwe. The incident, widely known in Africa and in intelligence circles is not widely known in the USA or Europe. At the time Rhodesia was fighting a guerilla war against black nationalist insurgents. Rhodesia first accused the nationalist side of using anthrax as a weapon. In allegations that surfaced in 1998--and which persist to this day--external researchers and the current government of Zimbabwe insist that the outbreak in 1978-80 was anything but benign. They argue that the original outbreak was the result of a calculated move by the Rhodesian government with the duplicitous acknowledgment of apartheid South Africa. Furthermore, the government alleges that a current outbreak is the work of disgruntled white farmers in the country. The allegations over the 1979-80 outbreak are given credence by the acknowledgement by Ken Flower, Chief of Rhodesia's Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), and by CIO Officer Henrik Ellert that the white minority regime of Ian Smith used biological and chemical weapons against the guerillas, against rural blacks to prevent their support of the guerillas and against cattle to reduce rural food stocks. The current government and researchers have drawn inferences from his statements to show that the unusual outbreak in 1978-80 was a deliberate use of weaponized anthrax. These inferences rely on important facts which will be highlighted in this paper, namely that: 1) by 1978 the 'writing was on the wall' for the white regime and recourse to a weapon of last resort was not unfathomable; 2) because of its international status, Rhodesia had become an expert in sanctions busting; 3) the alliance between South Africa and Rhodesia makes the allegations more credible; and 4) the current government of Zimbabwe has purposefully failed to launch a formal investigation because it is convenient to its continued survival to vilify the former regime and current white farmers in order to deflect attention away from the 21-year-old dictatorship of Robert Mugabe and the economic woes that have followed from the regime's mismanagement. 相似文献
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This paper argues that English courts should adopt a recent Australian innitiative in the area of political libels. It is suggested that English law is at present too accommodating to defamed politicians and insufficiently sensitive to the need to foster freedom of political expression. The paper contends that Australian law, unlike similar rules found in American constitutional law, offer our courts an unproblematic way to re-order this aspect of our common law in a fashion that better serves the political values of transparency and accountability within the government process. 相似文献